Product Description
“Reads like a novel. A fast-paced page-turner, it has everything: sex, wit, humor, and adventures. But it is an impressively researched and important story.”
—David Fromkin, author of Europe’s Last Summer


Vienna, 1814 is an evocative and brilliantly researched account of the most audacious and extravagant peace conference in modern European history. With the feared Napoleon Bonaparte presumably defeated and exiled to the small island of Elba, heads of some 216 states gathered in Vienna to begin piecing together the ruins of his toppled empire. Major questions loomed: What would be done with France? How were the newly liberated territories to be divided? What type of restitution would be offered to families of the deceased? But this unprecedented gathering of kings, dignitaries, and diplomatic leaders unfurled a seemingly endless stream of personal vendettas, long-simmering feuds, and romantic entanglements that threatened to undermine the crucial work at hand, even as their hard-fought policy decisions shaped the destiny of Europe and led to the longest sustained peace the continent would ever see.

Beyond the diplomatic wrangling, however, the Congress of Vienna served as a backdrop for the most spectacular Vanity Fair of its time. Highlighted by such celebrated figures as the elegant but incredibly vain Prince Metternich of Austria, the unflappable and devious Prince Talleyrand of France, and the volatile Tsar Alexander of Russia, as well as appearances by Ludwig van Beethoven and Emilia Bigottini, the sheer star power of the Vienna congress outshone nearly everything else in the public eye.

An early incarnation of the cult of celebrity, the congress devolved into a series of debauched parties that continually delayed the progress of peace, until word arrived that Napoleon had escaped, abruptly halting the revelry and shrouding the continent in panic once again.

Vienna, 1814 beautifully illuminates the intricate social and political intrigue of this history-defining congress–a glorified party that seemingly valued frivolity over substance but nonetheless managed to drastically reconfigure Europe’s balance of power and usher in the modern age.


From the Hardcover edition. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (10)

How Europe developed a "spirit of cooperation" that remains unsurpassed
After defeating Napoleon in 1814, the European powers convened in Vienna to determine the fate of Europe. The Congress of Vienna turned into the party of the century; royalty and diplomats traveled to represent their countries, but courtesans, tradesmen and others flocked to Vienna to get a piece of the pie.

Instead of being an open meeting of dignitaries, the Congress became a cesspool of backstabbing, underhanded dealings, and romantic liaisons. After six months of squabbling (accomplishing little), Europe had a bigger problem: Napoleon escaped Elba.

Read about how this seemingly unproductive conference led to the Battle of Waterloo, and how that led to a "spirit of cooperation" that remains unsurpassed.

Vienna, 1914
I found it had too much detail the was necessary for the story. The characters are fascinating. There is current interest in the topic.

Audio version OK, if you don't mind butchery of French & German
David King's book on the Vienna Congress is decent enough, bouncing back and forth between the many personalities directly and indirectly involved in this great event.

However, I would warn you off the Audio book if you've ever studied German or French.It's obvious that the narrator has never mastered anything but his own language, and has no clue how to pronounce foreign words and names.His butchery of French is enough to make Napoleon spin in his ornate tomb.There's a cringe on every page.I was flabbergasted to read another review that talks about his "mastery of French and German," a comment obviously written by someone who knows neither language.

The dancing Congress
The Congress of Vienna, which met to parcel up the European territories scrambled by Napoleon's conquests, didn't appear to do an awful lot of work, according to this well-written book. It wasn't called "The Dancing Congress" for nothing, because it appears that every night there was some type of festivity. Considering all of the frivolity involved, it's amazing that any real work was done, and yet the Europe that the Congress established resisted a universal war for almost the next 100 years. That in itself is a remarkable achievement! The book has a breezy style and is easy to digest. My one quibble, and the reason this review has only four stars, is the lack of maps that might have given a better perspective on why there were so many problems with national boundaries. Other than that, the book was a very informative read, and I enjoyed it very much.

Nothing Changes Yet Everything is Completely Different
Vienna 1814
by David King
A Review by Colin J. Edwards
Published by Harmony Books $27.50 2008 434 pps.

"The charm of history and its enigmatic lesson consist in the fact that, from age to age, nothing changes and yet everything is completely different." Aldous Huxley

Do not be confused by this book about the Congress of Vienna in 1814. It reads like a novel, but it is serious history as the almost 90 pages of "Notes & Sources" can testify. The style is easy: perhaps a little simplistic in places, but none-the-less an excellent read.
If your politics lean ever so slightly to the left, David King's book will drive you to distraction. It describes in detail how the privileged few, carved up Europe after Napoleon's abdication. It demonstrates the blatant greed and narcissism of Kings, Emperors and their Ministers.
We learn about the rich man's wars, but not too much about the poor man's fight. King takes us deeply into the chess game that was European politics, and we can see the mind-set that set Europe ablaze in 1914.
Well-behaved women rarely make history. Vienna 1814 confirms that in spades. I never cease to be amazed by man's inability to keep his level of concentration above his navel for more that limited periods. The future of Europe was never allowed to interfere with the latest sexual conquest. A 100 years later, nothing had changed. During cabinet meetings discussing the war in France, H.H.Asquith (Prime Minister), wrote love letters to Venitia Stanley. They were not very effective.She got engaged to one of his staff - but omitted to mention it.
There were however two notable exceptions to this broad condemnation of the `Powers that be'; and they were both English. The first was Robert Stewart - Lord Castlereagh, foreign secretary under Lord Liverpool, and the Duke of Wellington. Castlereagh did his best to get some sense out of the Congress, and was fired for his trouble. The Iron Duke took over and was fortunate that Napoleon skipped Elba and he was able to charge off to Waterloo and win the ultimate battle.
The frightening thing about this book is that nothing has changed. The Congress of Vienna was dominated by an aggressive Russia hell-bent on expansion. Replace Tsar Alexander with Mr Putin, and it is apparent that we have not progressed very far in the last 194 years. Rich man's war, poor man's fight - `twas ever thus.

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Product Description
Friends and Foes sheds new light on the institutional dynamics that affect the way Congress and the Executive branch interact in the formation of U.S. foreign policy. Rebecca K.C. Hersman suggests that policymakers need to look beyond the major headlines and high-profile votes to understand how this process appears to practitioners in both branches of government.Most foreign policy practitioners struggle within porous, fragmented institutions where policy is driven more by communities of like-minded individuals than by disciplined organizations. Conflict is as much intra-institutional as it is inter-institutional, and issue loyalties often outweigh partisan ties or institutional allegiances. Numerous examples and three longer case studies from the mid-1990s are used to illustrate how foreign policy is really made: the transfer of three U.S. ships to the Turkish military; the Brown Amendment, which revised proliferation sanctions toward Pakistan; and the ratification process for the Chemical Weapons Convention. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

Issue Clusters -- Emergent Phenomenon in Foreign Policy Development
While dealing with a particularly thorny issue within the Department of Defense I stumbled across Rebecca Hersman's "Friends and Foes: How Congress and the President Really Make Foreign Policy".As I am always looking for new ideas on how to deal with problems this book presents a slightly different perspective on how to understand why certain issues seem to take on a life of their own, in particular ones which require the coordination and approval of many diverse entities.In this case she introduces the concept of the issue cluster. While easy to view the concept as simply the commonplace result of groups of individuals sharing similar interests, her meaning has a much deeper connotation with the potential for far greater impact when viewed through her lens.

Many advocacy groups can emerge on any particular issue.An issue cluster emerges only when there are cross organizational linkages that bind a specific issue together as well.It's the linkages that give the issue cluster its life rather than the loose collection of like minded individuals of an interest group.An issue is smaller is scope than an interest and therefore easier to bind together those of not only a like mind but a willingness to do something about it.That something can be either advocacy or the reverse.

What's intriguing to me is that the cluster forms between organizations that typically have existing relationships and share multiple issues and interests at any given time.For the cluster to form the linkages between layers, and only as related to the specific issue, must form to give the cluster life.For instance, I have four or five reasons to call the State Department on any given day.Five days a week I call or email on one issue in particular and then for that issue I always contact the same individual.And whereas several individuals might posses or need the information I am looking for and giving out, I tend to call the person who shares my view of the world.I am not looking to debate or maneuver for the information I am passing along or seeking.Therefore the cluster once it forms, naturally seeks the path of least resistance. Hersman applies her observations to the complex and high level world of foreign policy.But it's clear that the same sort of informal network will form within any bureaucracy.

Hersman provides three very specific examples from her experience where she observed this complex phenomenon and demonstrates how it was the informal influence wielded primarily through the emergence of issue clusters that made the difference.Emergence is one of the components of a complex adaptive systems.It's clear to me that all the elements of one such system are at play in her issue clusters, without the complex mathematics.

"Friends and Foes", is not a complex book on foreign policy relations either.It is therefore highly accessible to the non-political science majors as well.It does read a bit like a formal academic paper and could have used more stylistic flare to enhance some of what I'm sure were highly charged and colorful debates with Washington insiders.Unfortunately the names of most of those insiders were withheld.One can assume because Ms. Hersman still has aspirations for a career in foreign policy rather than journalism.

Over-thought and self-important
"Few aspects of U.S. foreign policy are more contentious or controversial than the respective roles and responsibilities of Congress and the executive in the foreign policy process."So states the author, Rebecca Hersman, on her way to trying to explain why this is so.This book makes an attempt to explain the intricate workings of the U.S. Congress, specifically as they relate to interactions with the executive branch during the formulation of foreign policy.Through an analysis of three obscure pieces of legislation, Hersman tries to apply a specific template to the infighting and characters that emerge during the retelling of each episode.While the author's experience and credentials appear sufficient for her to opine knowledgeably on the three stories, the gravity and complexity she uses to try and make her case as to the lessons learned from each make this book a painful journey through the self-importance of a grad-level thesis.

The author separates foreign policy legislation into two categories--"waves" and the "ocean".Waves are those events which involve very high-profile battles, sometimes dragging on for years, between the Congress and the executive branch.Often, there are multiple, firmly-entrenched factions on both sides of the issue.The Chemical Weapons Convention treaty ratification is discussed as an example of this type of high profile issue.The "ocean" involves the majority of policy issues that do not garner the press coverage, the interest of the public, nor even the participation by a majority of members of Congress.The transfer of three U.S. warships to Turkey and the dispute over the administration's desire to sell F-16 fighter planes to Pakistan are two examples of these "ocean" issues.

Each case study is analyzed using five areas of focus.First, she assesses the role of the "informal universe" in shaping the ultimate outcome of the case.She looks at the communications and (sometimes) battles that occur outside of the formal legislative process and official lines of communication.

Second, she hypothesizes on the inherent weakness of formal institutions, as well as the importance of individual power, in the determination of foreign policy.Her assumption is that the individual interests of a few (or even a single) member of Congress can confound the more formal institutions (committees, departments, etc.) which might normally be expected to play major roles in the foreign policy arena.

Third, if individualized power can trump formal institutions, then it follows that issue leaders should emerge to "carry the water" on a specific policy.These leaders might have no formal involvement with a piece of legislation (ex. membership on the "wrong" committee), yet end up being the "go to" expert on a certain policy initiative.

Fourth, the author coins a phrase that begs the reader to go back and re-read the definition every time she uses it:cross-institutional linkages.The best I can do is to define it this way:even though Congress and the executive branch are established as institutional combatants (separate but equal branches of government), the people who comprise each body are not required to operate as adversaries.Information sharing, collaboration, and mutual "back scratching" occur daily.

Finally, the author tags groups who might be advocating on the same side of an issue as an "issue cluster".Why they aren't an "advocacy cluster" escapes me; while they may be on the same side of a singular issue, they are a cluster of advocates joined together on a single topic, not a cluster of issues.In fact, Hersman even describes them as a "cluster of collaborators".

Hersman uses these five "keys" to explain in her mind how Congress and the executive branch interact to formulate foreign policy.Why foreign policy is any different than domestic policy, defense policy, tax policy, or numerous other forms of policy is never addressed.Simply remove the word "foreign" and insert any other form of policy and one wonders why the same explanatory keys would not apply.In fact, many of these "keys" that the author stresses are either intuitively obvious to anyone who has even the most tangential awareness of the workings in Congress (informal universe and issue leaders), or are made much more complex than they really are (cross-institutional linkages and issue clusters).In short, the author strives for a level of explanation much more involved and complex than seems necessary.In fact, her work admittedly borrows from numerous works by others, what she describes as "thirty-five years trying to understand and explain how (groups)...come together to promote certain policies..."Her explanation as to why her work is more insightful when compared to all others is to state that her "issue clusters" have less of a negative and undemocratic connotation than the explanations postulated in prior works.

Hersman tests her hypotheses by drawing on her first-hand experience with three examples of foreign policy legislation wending their way through the congressional process.First, in 1995, the U.S. Navy attempted to excess three out-of-date frigates to the Turkish navy.The transfer got caught in the cross hairs of a single "issue leader" in Congress with his attention firmly focused on the potential impact to Greece, just across the Aegean Sea from the western border of Turkey.The author details how a single individual can utilize procedural tools to prevent passage (or even consideration) of legislation.The administration's attempts to negotiate a way through the stalemate failed miserably.Crediting the issue leader as a "master of the informal universe", however, due to his manipulation of the legislative process, seems a bit overstated.Instead, it would appear that the impasse between the senator and the administration over the transfer of these ships just as clearly points out the ineffectiveness of the administration in failing to reach a face-saving resolution by conferring with the senator.

The second study involves the sale of F-16 fighter jets to Pakistan.Under existing law, the administration had to certify regularly that Pakistan did not have a nuclear device in order for military and economic aid to flow.In the early 1990s, this certification could no longer be made, bringing most aid and all military sales to a halt.An order for the jets (already under production and partially funded by the Pakistani government) could not be fulfilled.Again, an issue leader emerged to lead the opposition to relaxing such restrictions.The impasse dragged on, and leadership within the Senate changed hands with the Republican takeover of Congress in 1994.The author describes the emergence of a leader in the newly Republican Senate to counter the efforts of opposition leaders.The strong personality of this Senator, combined with his formal position on a key Congressional subcommittee, overcame the intransigence of the opposition.While the sale was not ultimately consummated, a solution finally was reached.

Finally, the author describes the passage of the Chemical Weapons Convention as an example of a high profile "wave" issue.The emergence of significant conflict between various executive branch agencies and the Congress, substantial media coverage, and what the author refers to as "high-stakes gamesmanship" all contributed to the elevation of this issue.Shifting strategies on both sides of the ratification of this treaty, issue leaders taking the lead on their respective side of the issue, and conflicting messages sent by the administration over the significance of the issue coalesced into a situation that took literally years to find a solution.

While the author's intimate knowledge of the three case studies is not disputed, no original or conventional wisdom-changing analyses of these examples is offered.In fact, it seems as though the author only reframes past attempts to explain these same processes.Unfortunately, the author's efforts to provide original analyses get lost in a highly formal, sometimes torturous style of writing.While the book does provide a detailed peek into the day-to-day battles that bring a piece of legislation to law, it is left lacking in the author's primary premise:to explain how Congress and the president really make foreign policy.
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Product Description
Two presidents in recent history, Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, were elected with a mandate to reduce the scale of government, but met resistance from an increasingly dominant Congress and its allied agencies. In The Imperial Congress (The Heritage Foundation/The Claremont Institute), Washington experts take a revealing look at the constitutional crisis posed by Congress as it is today, explain why this has happened, and offer workable solutions to prevent it in the future.

In three parts the authors:

* Explore the origins and growth of the bureaucratic state in this century
* Explain how Congress works today, and how long incumbencies, huge staffs, and connections to special interest groups enable individual members to augment and maintain their power
* Discuss the effects of such power in domestic and foreign policies
* Focus on strategies for restoring the vital separation of powers, the cornerstone of our constitution.

For Washington insiders, students of government, and all concerned citizens, The Imperial Congress provides insightful and provocative reading.

The contributors to The Imperial Congress include:
Charles R. Kesler, Adjunct Fellow of The Claremont Institute;
Douglas A. Jeffrey, Director of Scholarship at The Claremont Institute;
John Adams Wettergreen, Professor of Political Science at San Jose University;
Michael E. Hammond, General Counsel to the Senate Steering Committee;
Peter M. Weyrich, Writer and analyst at the Free Congress Center for Child and Family Policy;
Margaret Davis, Legislative Assistant for Senator Phil Gramm;
W. Mark Crain, Professor of Economics at George Mason University;
L. Gordon Crovitz, Assistant Editor of the Editorial Page of The Wall Street Journal and
Thomas G. West, Associate Professor of Politics at the University of Dallas.
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Customer Reviews (1)

15 years later, parts of it are still worth a read
Ah, the Reagan years ... when Newt Gingrich was a rising star, Bill Clinton was an obscure Southern governor, and Republicans knew Congress was the enemy. Within just a few years, the same people and institutions who railed against the 'imperial Congress' would find themselves in control of that institution. By that time, the White House was the enemy again, and Republicans devoted their energy and determination to rolling back the presidency and using Congress as an engine of 'reform.'

As a monument of that earlier, innocent era, this book has three elements: an indictment of Congressional abuses of power, an analysis of the 'separation of powers' doctrine, and policy prescriptions for the late 1980s and beyond. Of these, the last is largely outdated now and the first is incomplete: the problem isn't that Congress is too powerful vis-à-vis the presidency, or vice versa, but rather that *both* branches have far too much power (just for good measure, so does the judiciary), and *both* should be severely, brutally, uncompromisingly scaled back.

The middle element, the analysis of 'separation of powers,' still stands up fifteen years later, however, and is worth a read for students of political science. ... Read more

Product Description

Customer Reviews (15)

A long neglected account
"Mr. Adams's Last Crusade" is an account of the long neglected vital influence of John Quincy Adams on the history of the U.S. from 1767-1848. Joseph Wheelan's evaluation of Mr. Adams's intellectual prowess is revealing. Mr. Adams's prescience and warnings to the younger generation, the Jacksonians, proved him correct. The U.S. suffered then and continues to do so now because Mr. Adams was not heeded. This book should be read by those interested in U.S. history and especially by those who consider themselves scholars of same. Wheelan's sources are excellent and without any doubt this book ranks with biographical commentaries by son Charles Francis Adams and grandsons Henry and Brooks Adams.

I have found a new hero from history (a history teacher's review)
I've known about John Quincy Adams's post-Presidential career ever since I read Profiles In Courage. by JFK many, many years ago. However, what I most remember about that description of him was that that he argued against slavery in the Congress when he could have just coasted along in a comfortable poltical semi-retirement.

Joseph Wheelan does us all a favor by elaborating on John Quincy Adams's amazing career in this well-written, informative book.Wheelan briefly covers John Quincy Adams's early career in the first 65 pages. As a teenager, John Qincy Adams was an assistant to his father while he was an ambassador to Europe during the Revolutionary War. He served as ambassador to several European countries after the War and also as Secretary of State (the Monroe Doctrine is as much his as Monroe's) and finally President.

Oddly enough, that amazing career was only a prelude to his final post - Representative from Massachusetts in the U.S. Congress. He reports to Congress at age 64. Adams was vaguely opposed to slavery but was very much in favor of the rights to free speech and petition. The Congress was avoiding any discussion of the topic of slavery, including ignoring all petitions to end slavery in Washington, D.C. (Congress administers the District of Columbia so it could have outlawed slavery within it by simple passage of a law).

Adams was idignant that a basic part of the Bill of Rights was being ignored so he began to read the peitions on the floor. He was told to stand down but he kept on reading. He was shouted it, threatened and shunned but he kept on reading. He began to investigate slavery, discovered he loathed it and was motivated to read even more petitiions. In fact, the conservative "Adams had become the de facto chief spokesman for many of those denied a voice in government - abolitionists silenced by the Gag Rule, slaves, Indians and finally, women." (p. 150)

Finally, after years of these struggles, Adams was censured by Congress for treason for presenting "a petition espousing the dissolution of the United States because of the 'peculiar institution' that the South so desperately wished not to discuss." (p. 196) Adams was previously known to be a poor public speaker but in this cause he found his voice. He was put on trial in the Congress and he defended himself for nine days. He spoke with soaring words, withering sarcasm, humor and anger. Ralph Waldo Emerson described him as a "bruiser" (p. 197) when discussing his poltical speach-making skills and he was not wrong. The charges were dropped but Adams's speeches destroyed the political careers of some of those who brought the charges of treason against him. He found his voice and he used it to full effect everywhere he went.

The unpopular president who could not seem to connect with the common man on any level became a sort of folk hero - the man who stands against the crowd and fights the fight that he knows is right despite the odds - and wins!

Adams's role in the establishment of the Smithsonian is also well-covered in the text as well as plenty of details about his personal life.

Adams was sitting at his seat in the House when he suddenly collapsed. Two days later he died in the Capitol building. His funeral procession was the most elaborate until Lincoln's 17 years later. with his death, most felt that their last living connection with the Revolutionary War era had ended - the youngest of that generation had passed.

Well-written, informative and inspiring - this book is highly recommended.

Excellent Book!!!!
I have been reading and studying the presidents since a was 8 years old. Now that I'm in my adulthood, I have grown to admire some of the them, those that most history teachers talk the least about. John Quincy Adams,our sixth president, was considered a "failure" after he left office, after a being a sucessful secretary of state. Thinking his political career all but dead, he is elected by his constituents to be their representation in the US House of Representatives. From thereon his political genius flurished along with his principals and ideals. I believe that it was in this time of his life that really understood his purpose in life... be a man not of party, but of your country. Believe me I see JQA in total different way. I strongly recommend this book for all history and biography lovers.

Country First.
For the most part, historians treat John Quincy Adams very poorly. Having left behind a quite complete, daily diary which is the delight of various academic wordsmiths, spin doctors and second guessers, he is always treated as some form of dysfunctional slacker by those who have written his biographies. My view of him has never changed. I always thought of him as independent in the true American sense, grumpy to be sure, but a remarkably brilliant man who chose his country and what was right over party affiliation. Until Joseph Wheelan's Mr. Adams Last Crusade, I felt sorry for this remarkably honest, gifted man. The academic deck just seemed too stacked against Adams by supposedly intelligent men for Adams to ever be recognized for his extraordinary contributions to his country. But thanks to Joseph Wheelan, no more!

After a lifetime in public service which included ambassadorships to the Netherlands, Spain, England and Germany, 8 years as Secretary of State under Monroe and his own term as President, he retires disgruntled, a self described failure. However, he returns to public life on December 5, 1831 at age 64, the only past president to do so, recalled by his 12th Congressional District constituency as a freshman congressman in the US House of Representatives. For 17 more years he would serve Massachusetts and the Nation in a strident defense of human rights. He became known as "Old Man Eloquent" for his stands for women's suffrage and against slavery, Texas Annexation, and the Indian Removal Act. Derided by the nation as he left his one term Presidency, he would go on to become the soul of the House of Representatives. He eschewed political parties and politics. As a result, his positions were complex, little understood by friend and foe alike. A strong abolitionist, he refused to join abolitionist organizations, believing the abolitionists, while right, were out to destroy the Union!

His sword was words, always rapier like, sharp, pointed, sarcastic and cutting. His position on women's suffrage was undeniably succinct,"I hope no member of the House of Representatives will ever again be found to treat with disrespect the sex of his Mother."On slavery,"If the Union must be dissolved, slavery is precisely the issue upon which it ought to break." On Georgia's illegal assertion of authority over the Cherokees,"You have sanctioned all those outrages upon justice, law and humanity, by succumbing to the power and the policy of Georgia." When Southerners passed the Gag Rule, suspending freedom of speech within Congress by making it illegal to even discuss slavery in the House, he would spend the next eight years flogging Southern Representatives with their own rule. He would ensure the monies left to the United States by Englishman James Smithson would be used for their intended purpose. As custodian, he pledged to guard the monies from "the canker of almost all charitable foundations - jobbing for parasites, and sops for hungry incapacity." As a result, today's Smithsonian Institution graces the Washington Mall.

Seen by his enemies, i.e., anyone who trampled on human rights, as evil incarnate, he approaches his zenith in his defense of the Amistad slaves before the US Supreme Court. After freeing the defendants, Justice Story would state in a letter to his wife, "extraordinary argument...Extraordinary for its power and its bitter sarcasm, and its dealing far beyond the record and points of discussion."

John Quincy Adams was a remarkable man. A President and son of a President, a direct descendant of one of the Founding Fathers and a man who was on a first name basis with many of the Founders, he was a man who, as a young boy, watched the battle of Bunker Hill from his home. More than anyone of his era, he understood what his country stands for: Liberty and human dignity.

You will truly enjoy this book.

John Quincy's turn to shine
For 35 years, John Quincy Adams served his country selflessly in several capacities including, Diplomat, Senator, Secertary of State, and 6th President of the U.S. The consensus among historians seems to be that Adams' one-term in office was a failure, largely due to his perceived "corrupt bargain" with Henry Clay. He left office isolated and unpopular. He could have easily retired to Massachusetts and lived out his life as a gentleman farmer. Thankfully for us, he decided to heed the call of his friends and neighbors and enter the House of Representatives. At 64, he was the oldest of 89 Freshman when he began serving in 1831. He died in his seat in 1848. It's these 17 years that are subject of Mr. Adams Last Crusade. Joseph Wheelan uses Adams' career as a jumping off point to discuss the entire Jacksonian Age, illuminating many of the critical flash points faced by politicians of this era. These included Slavery, Nullification, Indian removal and treatment, the Annexation of Texas and War with Mexico,and the settlement of the Oregon Territory. On most of these issues Adams led the principled opposition, regularly infuriating his southern counterparts. In addition he also chaired the committee in charge of spending James Smithson's $500,000 bequest. Thanks to Adams' recommendations and tireless championing The Smithsonian Institution was founded in 1846. One wonders how he ever found the time to consult on the Amistad case. This book contains the clearest synopsis of the issues involved in the case that I've read. When he died in 1848 at age 80, he was mourned by supporters and opponents alike, many considered him to be the greatest man of the age, and that's saying a lot considering who his contemporaries were.

I've read many Biographies of Presidents and Politicians, and this well written, informative gem ranks right up there near the top. It's my hope that it does for JQA what Mccollugh's Biography did for his father. Wheelan is slightly repetitive at times, but you'll barely notice as you are swept away by his engaging narrative. ... Read more

Product Description
This timely book describes and explains the American people's alleged hatred of their own branch of government, the U.S. Congress. Focus group sessions held across the country and a specially designed national survey indicate that much of the negativity is generated by popular perceptions of the processes of governing visible in Congress. But Hibbing and Theiss-Morse conclude that the public's unwitting desire to reform democracy out of a democratic legislature is a cure more dangerous than the disease. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

Do we hate Congress and if so, why?
Years ago, Richard Fenno introduced the idea of the `congressional paradox'---a phenomenon explaining that although a majority of Americans distrust Congress as an institution, that negative sentiment, however, did not extend to individual attitudes about one's own congressional representative.In Congress as Public Enemy, Hibbing and Theiss-Morse investigate the causes of and the reasoning behind public disillusionment toward the United States' top legislative body.Along the way, the authors discover dissatisfaction with Congress comes not only from the viewpoint that Congress is overprofessionalized and coddled by the hands of special interests, but Americans contain a wide discontent for the legislative processes. Interestingly, the authors observe this finding as troublesome. Authors state, "People profess a devotion to democracy in the abstract but have little or no appreciation for what a practicing democracy invariably brings with it...People do not wish to see uncertainty conflicting opinions, long debate, competing interests, confusion, bargaining, and compromised, imperfect decisions.They want government to do its job quietly and efficiently...In short, we submit, they often seek a patently unrealistic form of democracy." (Pg. 147)I believe we must ask ourselves is this true discontent or misunderstanding? Can civic education increase appreciation for the process? Does this discontent toward the process extend to public perceptions of state legislatures? A well researched and written work! Strongly recommended for anyone interested in the study of political psychology. ... Read more

Product Description
"I realized early on that you had to be true to your convictions, even if it meant you might not win the next election."

When Reno Republican Barbara Vucanovich was elected to Congress in 1982, she became the first Nevada woman ever elected to a federal office, and the first person to represent Nevada’s newly created Second Congressional District. Campaigning as a "tough grandmother," she distinguished herself during her fourteen-year service in the U.S. House of Representatives by her indefatigable efforts on behalf of her state, her commitment to the conservative ideals of her party and the needs of her constituency, and her commonsensical approach to politics and her own life.

In this engaging, richly informative memoir, Vucanovich reflects with candor and modesty on her political career and the long road that led to it - her years as mother of a growing family, businesswoman, and community and Republican Party volunteer, and her introduction to politics as the Northern Nevada manager of several of Paul Laxalt’s campaigns. Encouraged by Laxalt to run for Nevada’s new congressional seat, she became a sixty-one-year-old first-time political candidate.

Vucanovich’s lively accounts of campaigning and office-holding offer a rare insider’s view of the day-to-day realities of a political career - the excitement and exhaustion of hard-fought campaigns; the endless cross-country commutes to maintain contact with constituents; the inner workings of Congress as bills are written, debated, and voted on. Her profiles of other politicians, from Reno city leaders to Nevada state and national officeholders to her congressional colleagues to presidents of the U.S., offer valuable insight into the personalities and politics of some of the most important American political figures of the past half century. This is a book that offers any reader, of whatever political persuasion, an exceptionally vivid account of politics on both the state and national levels during a notably turbulent era. ... Read more

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Customer Reviews (3)

Magisterial history of power relationships
Although published over 35 years ago, this is a wonderful book. The title is somewhat misleading in that this is a global survey rather than one merely of Europe. It is also a general history of power relationships in the modern world, in their diplomatic, political, and military aspects, rather than a narrow history of diplomacy.

At its core, this book tells a tragic saga, the self-immolation of Europe in two devastating world wars and the decline of European power from world dominance to near irrelevance. It also covers the rise of the USA and Russia to the status of twin super powers and, at its end, foresees the emergence of China as a mighty third pole. The bulk of the book covers the period from the Franco-Prussian war to the end of WWII and treats it, as it should, as a single arc of history. The author's command of the material is magisterial, and his tone of ironic detachment lends itself well to this convoluted story of human folly and brutality.

This is a long book (695 pages) but goes quickly for anyone interested in the subject. The only other work I can think of to compare it with (in that both are popular yet supremely authoritative) is Tony Judt's marvelous "Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945." In many ways, René Albrecht-Carrié's work provides an excellent background to understanding the postwar period and is a wonderful corrective for anyone foolish enough to believe that we live in a `post-historical' time.

take it with a grain of salt
An entertaining quick read, but not suitable as a source for serious scholarship. Contains a number of factual innacuracies.

It took me hours to track down all the basic errors (dates, terminology) in my term paper that came from using this text.

review
This book is easy to read and informative. It provides an interesting interpretation of the major diplomatic events in European History since the Congress of Vienna. ... Read more

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MySearchLab provides students with a complete understanding of the research process so they can complete research projects confidently and efficiently. Students and instructors with an internet connection can visit www.MySearchLab.com and receive immediate access to thousands of full articles from the EBSCO ContentSelect database. In addition, MySearchLab offers extensive content on the research process itself—including tips on how to navigate and maximize time in the campus library, a step-by-step guide on writing a research paper, and instructions on how to finish an academic assignment with endnotes and bibliography.­

Re-issued as part of the “Longman Classics in Political Science” series, Wright's authoritative text on interest groups in the U.S. features a new Foreword, by Bruce Oppenheimer of Vanderbilt University that explores the text's enduring contributions to the discipline.

Wright's renowned text surveys the history, organization, aims and processes of interest groups to explain how they influence and affect public policy and opinion in the US Congress.

Customer Reviews (2)

Who priced this book
I haven't read this book yet, though I bought it for class. It is thinner than a Hemmingway novel. $40? It better have congressional cellphone numbers in it.

It's a great book.
This is a highly informative and readable text.Students love it ... Read more

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Do representatives and senators respond to the critiques raised by their challengers?This study, exploring how legislators' experiences as candidates shape their subsequent behavior as policymakers, demonstrates that winning legislators regularly take up their challengers' priority issues from the last campaign and act on them. This attentiveness to their challengers' issues reflects a widespread and systematic yet largely unrecognized mode of responsiveness in the U.S. Congress. Tracy Sulkin reveals the important benefits for these legislators as well as the health and legitimacy of the representative process. ... Read more

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Nearly three decades after its initial publication, Louis Fisher's durable classic remains at the head of its class--a book that Congressional Quarterly called "as close to being indispensable as anything published in this field." This newly revised and updated fifth edition emphatically reinforces that sterling reputation.

Fisher dissects the crucial constitutional disputes between the executive and legislative branches of government from the Constitutional Convention through President Clinton's impeachment battles to the recent controversies over President Bush's conduct as commander in chief. He ventures beyond traditional discussions of Supreme Court decisions to examine the day-to-day working relationships between the president and Congress.

To scholars, this book offers a comprehensive examination of the institutions and issues of public law. For practitioners, general readers, and students of American government, it demonstrates how constitutional issues shape and define current events.

New material in this edition:

* Post-9/11 wars in Afghanistan and Iraq

* Military tribunals and NSA eavesdropping

* Kosovo war in 1999

* Impeachment of President Clinton

* Termination of ABM treaty

* Controversies over appointments and removals

* Disputes over executive orders and proclamations

* Presidential signing statements

* Developments with item veto and pocket veto

* Public access to intelligence budgets

* FBI search warrant of congressman's office

* State secrets privilege

* Presidential and vice-presidential immunity

... Read more

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"Go buy and read Mr. Felten's book, which is pithy, well-written and more certain than a Stephen King novel to keep you awake at night." --The Washington Times ... Read more

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How do sleepy congressional campaigns become heated battles? What happens behind the scenes during pivotal moments? Sam Garrett explores the dynamic process of electioneering by focusing on the insights and activities of political professionals: the consultants, party officials, staffers, and others who make a career out of campaigning. As his analysis makes clear, how these experts handle crises - be they real, imagined, or manufactured by or for the competition - often shapes electoral outcomes. Garrett explores how political professionals navigate crises over the course of congressional campaigns. ... Read more

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In this greatly entertaining tale of one of our most august institutions, Nelson Polsby argues that among other things, from the 50's to the 90's, Congress evolved. In short, Polsby argues that air conditioning altered the demography of the southern states, which in turn changed the political parties of the South, which transformed the composition and in due course the performance of the US House of Representatives. This evolutionary process led to the House's liberalization and later to its transformation into an arena of sharp partisanship, visible among both Democrats and Republicans. How Congress Evolves breathes new life into the dusty corners of institutional history, and offers a unique explanation for important transformations in the congressional environment. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (8)

Helpful
Interesting to know how Congress has evolved.The book is more than just about Congress though, for Congress is a body somewhat representative of the people.So Polsby offers some interesting explanations for why the South became a Republican stronghold.Also, the various changes in leadership control is interesting and important for understanding changing dynamics in America's political system.Lots of helpful footnotes, bordering on obsenely excessive.The case studies into various personalities is really interesting: Wilbur Mills was a nut!

Elegant Description of aTransformation in American Politics
This book provides an elegant description of one of the most important transformations of American politics: the end of the Dixiecrats and the transformation of the Solid South from the Democrats to the Republicans. He importantly connects this with the rise of the power of the caucus and leadership. It also has implications for the crisis of partisanship in Congress.

The book basically concerns several interwoven phenomena, the House Democratic Caucus exerting political control on its conservative southern members and the rise of the Republican South. Polsby demonstrates how demographic and sociological phenomena weakened the grip of the South on Democratic Party machinery, pulling the Democratic Party to the left. This increased the pressure on Dixiecrats to switch parties, once it became acceptable to be a Southern Democrat.

Polsby also discusses the rise of contemporary partisanship. As the Caucus got the power to discipline its chairman, it demanded an end to bipartisanship. This weakened Republican moderates who called for cooperation and working with the Democrats. This led to the rise in power of Newt Gingrich (an Amazon reviewer!) who advocated a different strategy that eventually led to the 1994 election.

Excellent book, and excellent insights. In several ways, this book will help me do my job better as a staffer in the House of Representatives.

REVIEW
From the Publisher: "Nelson Polsby has been studying, reading about and hanging around the U.S. House of Representatives for more than 40 years. In "How Congress Evolves", he provides the definitive--and often witty-account of how the House has changed over time, and why." Michael Barone, coauthor, "The Almanac of American Politics"

Polsby at his best
"How Congress Evolves" is elegantly written, cogently argued, and politically astute. Nelson Polsby gives his readers the benefit of four decades and more of immersion in and observation of Congress, along with his penetrating insights into politics, people, and institutions, and a writing style that is at once accessible and sophisticated. Novices and experts, students and practitioners, scholars and journalists, all will learn immensely about how the House of Representatives works and how it changes."--Norman Ornstein, American Enterprise Institute

REVIEW
From the Publisher:
"How Congress Evolves" is Nelson Polsby's magnum opus. Polsby is an institution among congressional scholars and this book will be a classic work on Congress along with the writings of Woodrow Wilson and Richard Fenno. Polsby's wonderful observations from his interviews and deft use of data about stability and change in Congress combined with his humor make the book hard to put down once you start reading it. --James A. Thurber, Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies, American University ... Read more

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MONEY, SEX, AND SELF-INTEREST TAKEN CONTROL OF CAPITOL HILL

Now more than ever, Congress runs the country. But who is running Congress? New York Times bestselling author and award-winning journalist Ronald Kessler takes you behind the scenes, conducting unprecedented interviews with more than 350 insiders to reveal the shocking answer to that question. Here are the sex scandals, the dirty financial deals, the abuses of power -- the deepest, darkest secrets of Congress -- exposed for the first time, including:

Product Description
THE CONTEMPORARY CONGRESS offers concise coverage of all the foundations of a course on Congress. From the underlying theory of representative democracy and the process of elections to committee dynamics and the legislative process on the House and Senate floor to the relationship between Congress and the Presidency under unified and divided party government, THE CONTEMPORARY CONGRESS includes a view into the rules, politics, and party strategy that determine the policy decisions made every day in the U.S. Congress, especially important in the contemporary era of strong Republican Party government. ... Read more

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One of the world's largest and most diverse repositories of recorded knowledge, the Library of Congress holds nearly 110 million items in formats ranging from manuscripts to motion pictures and sound recordings. This volume showcases 76 of the library's most important American treasures, which have been selected for its first-ever permanent public exhibition, opening in spring 1997. 97 illustrations, 93 in color. ... Read more

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Party Influence in Congress challenges current arguments and evidence about the influence of parties in the U.S. Congress.Political scientists differ in their evaluations of the influence of congressional parties over policy outcomes.Steven S. Smith reviews the arguments and finds them deficient in many respects.In their place, he offers an enriched, more nuanced view of the way parties influence the behavior of legislators and shape legislative outcomes. ... Read more

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Thirty years after the "Watergate Babies" promised to end corruption in Washington, Julian Zelizer offers the first major history of the demise of the committee-era Congress and the rise of the contemporary legislative branch. Based on research in more than a hundred archival collections, this book tackles one of the most enduring political challenges in America: barring a wholesale revolution, how can we improve our representative democracy so as best to fulfill the promises of the Constitution? Whereas popular accounts suggest that major scandals or legislation can transform government institutions, Zelizer shows that reform is messy, slow, and involves many institutions coming together at the right time. The short period of reform in the 1970s--one that rivaled the Progressive Era--revolved around a coalition that had worked for decades, a slow reconfiguration of the relationship among political institutions, shifts in the national culture, and the ability of reformers to take advantage of scandals and elections. Zelizer presents a new look at the origins of the partisanship and scandal warfare that characterize today's politics. The book also offers a warning to the next generation of reformers by showing how a new political environment can radically transform the political impact of government reforms, as occurred when the conservative movement--during its rise to power in recent decades--took advantage of reforms that had ended the committee era.Julian Zelizer teaches political history at Boston University.His book, Taxing America: Wilbur D. Mills, Congress, and the State, 1945-1975 (Cambridge, 1999), was awarded the Organization of American Historian's 1998 D.B. Hardeman Prize. He is the co-editor of The Democratic Experiment (Princeton University Press, 2003) and the editor of The American Congress: The Building of Democracy (Houghton-Mifflin, 2005). ... Read more

Customer Reviews (7)

Surprisingly Interesting
I don't read political books very often. I was recommended this one due to the author's great reputation. He gives this subject a very young, fresh edge.

A Brilliant Professor
After reading the reviews of this book, it struck me as humerous because the way Zelizer writes is exactly how he teaches.I had the pleasure of being in his American History course this past year and he was one of the most interesting and fascinating professors I have ever had.He made me not only interested in history (which I never was previously), but he made me passionate about it.A brilliant writer and professor... I highly recommend him and hold him in the highest of esteems.

This is a wonderful book
I saw this guy on C-SPAN a few days ago with Brian Lamb so decided to buy the book. it is one of the best books I have read in decades about politics (and I am political junkie guy constantly reading this stuff). It is sweeping history of how Congress changed in the 1970s and what is going on today. The book has lots of intellectual heft, but it is written in fun and easy to understand style. This guy has very interesting points to make about how conservatives have done so well. There is a chapter on scandal and the Watergate Babies and reforms that was just brilliant. I hope more people read this book and have this guy on their show.Can't think of another book like it.

Highly recommended
This is the first serious and interesting history I have read about the modern American political system. The author (historian) looked at a zillion archives and put together a breathtaking overview of how congress changed so much since the New Deal period.

The book is filled with good stories, like Hubert Humphrey pissing off southern colleagues when he comes to the Senate and this guy Richard Bolling whose reforms go down in flames. I also learned lots about why liberals lost out to conservatives on Capitol Hill.

I highly recommend this.

READ THIS BOOK!
This is an outstanding book about American politics. I found it to be one of those rare books that is clearly written by a real scholar but fun to read.

The book explains how Congress got to where it is today. It shows that Congress was a very, very different place in the 1950s, and how liberals tried to change the way Congress worked. But in the end, conservatives proved to be much better at thriving in the new system.

Zelizer shows why scandal has become so important in modern politics, and why Congress seems to be unable to accomplish much these days. It also does a great job showing how changes in the media changed the way the House and Senate were.

This is terrific, read it, enjoy it and learn. Much better than most books out there. ... Read more