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Although human trafficking has a long and ignoble history, it is only recently that trafficking has become a major political issue for states and the international community and the subject of detailed international rules.This book presents the first-ever comprehensive and in-depth analysis of the international law of human trafficking. Anne T. Gallagher calls on her direct experience working within the United Nations to chart the development of new international laws on this issue. She links these rules to the international law of state responsibility as well as key norms of international human rights law, transnational criminal law, refugee law, and international criminal law, in the process identifying and explaining the major legal obligations of states with respect to preventing trafficking, protecting and supporting victims, and prosecuting perpetrators. This is a timely and groundbreaking work: a unique and valuable resource for policymakers, advocates, practitioners, and scholars working in this new, controversial, and important field. ... Read more

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This book focuses on collaborative work within the disciplines of international law and international relations, to note sample efforts to collaborate, and to assess the cultivation of an interdisciplinary outlook. ... Read more

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Reprint of the first and only edition. Originally published: Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933. xxvi, 470 pp. Lauterpacht disputes the widely held viewpoint in the international community that international law has inherent limitations and is incapable of unification, and presents his treatise in a well-researched technical format. ... Read more

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Fear of Persecution offers an absorbing and necessary overview of the plight of internally displaced people (IDPs) and refugees. James D. White and Anthony J. Marsella bring together essays that address issues emerging from the current relationship of international law, human rights, and refugee health and well-being. ... Read more

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A "world law" casebook applicable in any of the 139 WTO countries, this second edition places more emphasis on coverage of developing countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa, highlighting the significance of their demographics, politics, culture, and economic dynamism. Nine logical parts containing 24 manageably-sized chapters offer a user-friendly structure, and allow the flexibility of choosing the chapters that best serve the needs of a professor's individual course. ... Read more

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This book bridges the two topics of international law and international politics.The book may be used in a variety of ways -- as a supplement to a casebook in an introductory course in international or transnational law, or as a reader in an advanced course or seminar on international law. ... Read more

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Established by the Convention on International Civil Aviation, which resulted from the Chicago Conference on International Civil Aviation of 1944, the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) is charged with responsibilities regarding both air navigation, which relates principally to the technical and operational aspects of aircraft movement, and air transport, which relates to the transportation by air of passengers, baggage, cargo and mail. In ICAO's sixty years of operation, the prime objective of promoting and enhancing aviation safety (technical and operational safety of flight), has been supplemented by the objective of promoting and ensuring aviation security (safeguarding civil aviation against acts of unlawful interference).

In this book, one of the worlds foremost authorities on aviation law¿well-known as a major mover in numerous ICAO initiatives and projects, and as teacher, author, and lecturer describes and analyzes, in comprehensive detail, the entire legal regime contemplated by ICAO. Among the topics and issues covered are the following:

• functions of the various ICAO organs;
• standard setting procedure;
• membership and adherence;
• judicial and quasi-judicial competence;
• standards for airports and air navigation facilities;
• ICAO relations with states and other international organizations;
• economic regulation and aspects of economic planning;
• aircraft noise, land use, and other environment-related issues; and
• dispute settlement.

The author gives in-depth attention to the ICAO standards and recommended practices (SARPS) governing such elements as meteorological service, aircraft registration, airworthiness of aircraft, aeronautic telecommunications, air traffic services, search and rescue procedures, accident investigation, environmental protections, and transport of dangerous cargo. Of special value is his description of the new integrated global satellite-based system, in process of gradual implementation, designed to support communications, navigation, surveillance, and air traffic management for the needs of commercial and non-commercial aviation. Useful appendices include the text of the Convention on International Civil Aviation and a list of ICAO member states.

With up-to-date commentary and analysis, this book is a fundamental resource for all professionals, legal and other, concerned with civil aviation.

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The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the ensuing 'war on terror' have focused attention on issues that have previously lurked in a dark corner at the edge of the legal universe. This book presents a systematic and comprehensive attempt by legal scholars to conceptualize the theory of emergency powers, combining post-September 11 developments with more general theoretical, historical and comparative perspectives. The authors examine the interface between law and violent crises through history and across jurisdictions, bringing together insights gleaned from the Roman republic and Jewish law through to the initial responses to the July 2005 attacks in London. Three models of emergency powers are used to offer a conceptualization of emergency regimes, giving a coherent insight into law's interface with and regulation of crisis and a distinctive means to evaluate the legal options open to states for dealing with crises. ... Read more

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This is an EXACT reproduction of a book published before 1923. This IS NOT an OCR'd book with strange characters, introduced typographical errors, and jumbled words.This book may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. that were either part of the original artifact, or were introduced by the scanning process. We believe this work is culturally important, and despite the imperfections, have elected to bring it back into print as part of our continuing commitment to the preservation of printed works worldwide. We appreciate your understanding of the imperfections in the preservation process, and hope you enjoy this valuable book. ... Read more

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This book is highly topical considering the recent resurgence of violence by the PKK, the incursions into Northern Iraq by the Turkish army and security forces and Turkey's EU accession negotiations. Turkey has become an increasingly important player in Middle Eastern geopolitics. More than two decades of serious conflict in Turkey are proving to be a barrier to improved relations between Turkey and the EU. This book is the first study to fully address the legal and political dimensions of the conflict, and their impact on mechanisms for conflict resolution in the region, offering a scholarly exploration of a debate that is often politically and emotionally highly charged.

Kerim Yildiz and Susan Breau look at the practical application of the law of armed conflicts to the ongoing situation in Turkey and Northern Iraq. The application of the law in this region also means addressing larger questions in international law, global politics and conflict resolution. Examples include belligerency in international law, whether the ‘War on Terror’ has resulted in changes to the law of armed conflict and terrorism and conflict resolution.

The Kurdish Conflict explores the practical possibilities of conflict resolution in the region, examining the political dynamics of the region, and suggesting where lessons can be drawn from other peace processes, such as in Northern Ireland.

This book will be of great value to policy-makers, regional experts, and others interested in international humanitarian law and conflict resolution.

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The U.S. has often proclaimed its support for the rule of law in international affairs, but has found it increasingly difficult to adhere to it in practice. John Murphy demonstrates the wide-ranging difficulties obstructing U.S. adherence to the rule of law. He also examines the reasons for the declining U.S. support for the international institutions it was instrumental in creating, as well as U.S. unwillingness to support new popular initiatives in international law. ... Read more

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International law can create great expectations in those seeking to rebuild societies that have been torn apart by conflict. For outsiders, international law can mandate or militate against intervention, bolstering or undermining the legitimacy of intervention. International legal principles promise equality, justice and human rights. Yet international law's promises are difficult to fulfil. This volume of essays investigates the phenomenon of post-conflict state-building and the engagement of international law in this enterprise. It draws together original essays by scholars and practitioners who consider the many roles international law can play in rehabilitating societies after conflict. The essays explore troubled zones across the world, from Afghanistan to Africa's Great Lakes region, and from Timor-Leste to the Balkans. They identify a range of possibilities for international law in tempering, regulating, legitimating or undermining efforts to rebuild post-conflict societies. ... Read more

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In this work the author explores the subjects of sovereignty, diplomacy and the function of diplomats, diplomatic missions, protocol, ethics in diplomacy, the role of Ministries of Foreign Affairs, intergovernmental conferences and the United Nations.

It:

• includes a useful glossary of over sixty essential terms (such as Calvo Doctrine, Extradition, Rapporteur and Uti Possidetis Juris)
• clearly relates the conduct of diplomacy to the principles of international law.

New in paperback, this volume will appeal to graduate and undergraduate students studying diplomacy, public administration and international relations courses as well as practising diplomats, international organization and foreign ministry officials and those who have regular dealings with them.

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For more than half a century, the world community has sought to codify a series of fundamental precepts intended to prevent such abuses of human rights as torture, discrimination, starvation, and forced eviction. The United Nations, other international organizations, regional institutions, and governments have developed various procedures for protecting against and providing remedies for human rights violations.

International Human Rights Law is a comprehensive introductory treatise, intended for all concerned about this critical area of international law, including students, lawyers, other advocates, teachers, and academics. The book contains an overview of the development of human rights as a domain of international law; a collection of brief summaries of each of the rights specified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other critical human rights instruments; and a review of the national, regional, and international procedures for implementing human rights precepts.

The overview traces the history of human rights, from early philosophical and religious ideas and theories of natural law to modern formulations. The second section provides concise summaries of the substantive principles of and practices relevant to self-determination, equality, life, slavery, torture, fair trial, detention, privacy, health, food, housing, and clothing, as well as emerging rights such as sustainable development, environmental health, peace, and security from terrorism. A final section describes UN human rights procedures (both Charter-based and treaty-based); criminal procedures; African, European, inter-American, and other regional systems; national institutions and processes, truth and reconciliation commissions, and nongovernmental organizations. Throughout, example cases are cited, and each chapter concludes with a list of the most useful print and web resources.

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Human rights are invoked on many occasions. But are they more than lofty values and abstract principles?

In providing a concise but comprehensive overview of international human rights protection at the global and regional levels, this book offers an introduction to the ideas, conceptual underpinnings, and doctrine of international human rights law including the sources, legal nature, and scope of application of human rights obligations. The issues of implementation and enforceability at the domestic, regional, and universal level are explored, and the impact of the recently established Human Rights Council is assessed. The substantive guarantees covering economic, social, and cultural as well as civil and political rights based on the case law of UN treaty bodies and relevant regional courts are evaluated.

This book shows that human rights are real rights creating legal entitlements for those who are protected by them and imposing legal obligations on those bound by them. It explores the various mechanisms set up by the international community to monitor the implementation of human rights guarantees and to decide individual cases brought to the attention of human rights courts and quasi-judicial bodies at the international level. Its last part contains a detailed exploration of the meanings of human rights guarantees, such as the right to life, the prohibition of torture, non-discrimination, economic rights, and many others. ... Read more

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In this classic text, Peter Maguire follows America's legal relationship with war, both before and after the Nuremberg trials of the 1940s. Maguire argues that the precedents set by the trials were nothing less than revolutionary, and he traces the development of these new attitudes throughout American history. The text has been revised throughout, with a new preface and postscript discussing the George W. Bush administration's attempt to rewrite the laws of war after 9/11. Maguire connects these efforts to the decline in American power and reputation.

Praise for the previous edition:

"[An] intriguing historical analysis."& mdash Harvard Law Review

"Outstanding... impressive... a terrific book."& mdash; American Historical Review

"A five-star accomplishment that will intrigue the reader and prove that, in history, truth is often more fascinating than fiction."& mdash;H. W. William Caming, former Nuremberg prosecutor

"Perceptive."& mdash; Journal of American History

"An important and fascinating study, marked by impressive research and moral passion."& mdash;Ronald Steel, University of Southern California

"A 'must read' for all those interested in international criminal law, war crimes, and war crime trials."& mdash;J. C. Watkins Jr., University of Alabama

"A sobering exploration of the hypocrisy and double standards that shape the laws of war. Maguire reveals the conflict between American ideology and American imperialism, the Faustian compromises made by our leaders during their elusive quest for justice."& mdash;Iris Chang, author ofThe Rape of Nanking

"A pioneering account....Law and War goes back to the middle of the nineteenth century to trace the history of modern war crimes, their shock value, and the efforts made to bring their perpetrators to account."& mdash;Thomas Keenan, Bardian

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This book provides a comprehensive survey of theinternational legal principles related to the Palestinian struggle forself-determination: starting with the League of Nations awarding theMandate for Palestine to Britain after the First World War; throughthe partition of the Palestine Mandate by the United Nations after theSecond World War; to the Palestinian Declaration of an IndependentState of their own in 1988; to the diplomatic recognition of thePalestinian State by about 130 other states; through the UnitedNations granting the State of Palestine all the rights of a UN MemberState but the right to vote, etc.

During the past two decades, the author has provided the leadership ofthe Palestinian people with advice, counsel, and representation at allstages of this process. The scholarly analyses that he used to back upthis critical work can be found in the pages of this book. Anotherchapter analyzes the hypocrisy and double-standards behind the BushJr. administration’s bogus "war on international terrorism,"with special reference to U.S. foreign policy towards the Middle Eastand the Muslim World after 11 September 2001.

The concluding chapter provides advice and guidance to theinternational grassroots Campaign for IsraeliDivestment/Disinvestment, which were all inspired by the author’sinvolvement in the original Divestment/Disinvestment Campaign againstthe former criminal apartheid regime in South Africa. Today theRepublic of South Africa stands as a beacon of hope for oppressedpeoples and states all over the world. The same can be true forPalestine and Israel. This book explains why and how that can be done. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (5)

Brilliant overview

This is a brilliant overview of the legal framework of analysing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, written for a lay audience.

Boyle demonstrates that Palestine is legally a state - recognised by over 110 countries worldwide - and that since Israel has refused to recognise it, and has, in fact, trampled over its sovereign rights, it deserves to be suspended from the United Nations.

Israel's entry into the UN, after all, was contingent on its adherence to UN Security Council Resolutions 181 and 194, which, fifty-seven years later, it has failed to implement.These constitute gross violations of international law, for which there must be legal consequences.

Boyle effectively proves his points with a learned, yet accessible style; unfortunately, intelligent and reasoned views such as his are absent in American discourse on this topic, especially in the "paper of record", the New York Times.

Blames the victim....
Palestine, Palestinians & International Law is this:

Israel is always wrong
Palestinians are always right.

This is a piece of garbage.

Fine assertion of Palestine's right to statehood
In international law, Palestine is an independent nation. Article 22(4) of the Covenant of the League of Nations (1919), the 1922 Mandate for Palestine and the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) recognised that all Arab territories of the former Ottoman provinces, including Palestine, were to be granted freedom as provisionally independent nations. As the Covenant asserted, "their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognised." This was reaffirmed in the UN Charter, Article 80(1).

What then is the root of the problem in the Middle East? On 7 October 2000 the Security Council adopted Resolution 1322 by 14 votes to nil, with the USA abstaining. In Paragraph 1 the Council "Deplores the provocation carried out at Al-Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem on 28 September and the subsequent violence there ... " Thereby it held Ariel Sharon's provocative visit to the Temple Mount responsible for starting the current round of warfare. In Paragraph 3 the Council called Israel `the occupying power'. The UN recognises Israel as only a belligerent occupant of Palestine's land, with no sovereign rights there.

The condition of Israel's original admission to the UNO was its acceptance of Resolution 181(II) 1947 on partition and Resolution 194(III) 1948 on the Palestinians' right of return. Israel has now expressly repudiated both Resolutions, violating its condition for admission to UN membership.

Israel is trying to impose a colonial deal on the Palestinians like the `independence' agreements that the British government in the 1950s imposed on the Cypriot government, that British military bases there were to be sovereign British, not Cypriot, territory.

And what is the source of the problem in the Middle East? Not some original Arab sin of lacking the culture of democracy or any other colonialist insult, but the British Empire. As Boyle sums up, the "political problems of the Middle East ... were created by Britain's irresponsible, illegal and void ab initio attempt to terminate the Mandate for Palestine unilaterally."

A good view on the crisis based on international law
The previous reviewer shows their obvious bias toward Israel. This book is basically giving by international legal standards, what palestinians have a right to due to the course of law and what the israeli government has not allowed them to achieve. Noam Chomsky said it best when he defined the hypocrite as refusing to apply to themselves the same standards it applies to others. If its wrong for one country it should be wrong for other countries. Israel just by looking at the Un security council resolutions from the early 1950s to the present, has violated far more resolutions than any country combined. Yet no sanctions or actions are put on that country but others do. What Dr Boyle suggests is hold the israeli government accountable for what they do and to give the palestinians the right , true right to self determination as outlined by international law and treaties. The previous reviewer keeps mentioning the holocaust..maybe she should read finkelstein's book who criticizes israel yet is the son of holocaust survivors. the holocaust does not give the israeli government the excuse to oppress others.In psychology, its like an abused child going about abusing their kids when they get older. they cycle of oppression and genocide must end. israel must be held accountable for what it has done to palestinians.This book shows a good example of this according to international law

Advocates a destructive, racist, and dysfunctional society
We know that people can write counterproductive and immoral laws.The National Socialists did that in Germany in the 1930s.It can happen again.If you believe the author, it already has.

It turns out the author is not telling the truth.We do not yet have arbitrary and racist laws on international law books that insist that Israelis must be oppressed.But if there are enough people like Boyle, one day we will.

Still, as long as we're all going to be liars, thieves, and murderers, I see no need for bad laws.If that is how we're all going to be, we do not need laws at all.

That means that I think we ought to look at Boyle's seven recommendations from the point of view of believing in human civilization, not from an attitude of trying to destroy it.

Boyle's first recommendation is for the UN to suspend Israel.Given that Israel is not a problem, that won't accomplish anything positive.But suppose it were a problem.Getting Israel out of the UN still would not help matters.Had Germany kicked all the anti-National Socialist nations out of the League of Nations, that would have been unhelpful.But getting Germany out of the League of Nations was also unhelpful.

In any case, I have a modest counterproposal.Outlaw the UN, and put those who work for it on trial.That will get the point across that actions have consequences.Right now, folks at the UN figure they can do anything without any fear of responsibility or consequences.But that can be changed.

Boyle's second proposal is to use international laws as a basis for peace.Again, I have a counterproposal.Use truth as a basis for peace.And make laws consistent with justice.

I think that the vindication of theft and murder will not bring peace.The falsely accused victims will scoff at bad laws in the future.The falsely acquitted thugs will try their hand at more crimes.But the vindication of the so far falsely accused Israelis will have a very positive effect on them, and reassure them that they can be treated fairly.It will also teach the Arabs that being led by thugs is bad for their foreign policy, not just for their domestic policy.

The third Boyle recommendation is to dump the "dishonest broker," namely the United States.My comment is that the problem is the international community.If we want human civilization to thrive, we need to do something about this problem.Ending the demonization of Israel will not suffice.

The author's fourth recommendation is to impose economic, diplomatic, and travel restrictions on Israel.That's silly, of course.Ignoring the fact that it is unfair, it may not even accomplish anything.People can be pressured into falsely admitting to crimes, or to committing crimes, or even into killing themselves.But innocent people can not be shamed into doing any of these things.In World War Two, the Jews could not be shamed into dying by the millions.It required mass murder to make them die in such numbers.

Boyle's fifth recommendation is to set up an International Criminal Tribunal to prosecute the bad guys (but not their victims) as war criminals, both military and civilian, especially political leaders.I agree completely, and I would include propagandists on my list to prosecute.In World War Two, some of my civilian relatives were murdered by the Russians.But the Russians were not tried for war crimes after the war, the Germans were.I think this was proper.If you keep putting the victims on trial, you'll never convict the aggressors.

Here too, I have one minor change to make in what Boyle says.He wants to prosecute only the Israelis, not the Arabs.He has it backwards.We must prosecute only the Arabs and their allies, not the Israelis.Put the bad guys on trial!

The sixth recommendation is a World Court lawsuit for genocide.Given the number of Israelis who have been killed and maimed by Arab terrorists, I think a lawsuit would be appropriate.Arab and European money has funded such crimes, and a lawsuit would attack some of the problem at the source.

The seventh and final recommendation is a divestment and disinvestment campaign.Of course, it is from Israel, which as I said earlier, won't be shamed into becoming bad, but might be pressured into it.My guess is that it will take considerable pressure to get rid of their rights entirely.But this book has given me plenty of good ideas.Such a campaign against the antizionists might actually work.They are the ones who can see that they are opposing truth, justice, and human rights.There really is a potential for shaming them into becoming more decent.

This book didn't deserve a star, but I gave it one anyway. ... Read more

Product Description
A series of books until Volume 51 (1980), The British Year Book of International Law is now an annual journal. Each volume contains about 450 pages and presents a broad range of material on current issues: specially commissioned articles, book reviews, surveys of decisions of British courts, decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Communities, decisions of the European Convention on Human Rights, UK materials on international law, a table of cases, and a full index. ... Read more