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Customer Reviews (2)

Elitism finally overturned
It is recognized that the standing of the common man, especially artisans and farmers, rose with the American Revolution, yet all through the 1780s, social elites were troubled by the unruly, irresponsible governance often practiced under the Articles of Confederation. It is they who engineered the formation of the reactionary US Constitution, which severely checked the power of majorities to easily and quickly influence government. The first government of the new United States was drawn heavily from the elite strata, who came to be known as the Federalists. They contended that the average American should not be concerned with governing - it was beyond their capability.As the author indicates, the election of 1800 was a transforming shift of power from the Federalists to Jefferson's and Madison's Republicans; in addition, it became quite evident that only through political parties could effective political opposition be orchestrated.

The Federalists actually did not regard themselves as a party, per se; they were simply the rightful governing element of society. Political parties were viewed as undesirable factions, though capable of being neutralized by the existence of many such factions. The creation of Democratic-Republican societies as a reaction to the Jay Treaty of 1794, which was viewed by many as a cave-in to the British, was highly troublesome to Washington, Hamilton, et al. Just who were these unruly, ignorant men who dared to challenge their wisdom and leadership? Many of these societies viewed the French Revolution with favor, which simply added fuel to the notion that they were out to undermine the US government. Out of these societies the Republican Party gradually emerged. When war with France over the harassment of American merchant shippers in 1798 became a real possibility, the Federalists passed the Alien and Sedition Acts to officially suppress criticism of the government, ignoring the passage of the First Amendment less than ten years prior.

As the election of 1800 approached and it became obvious that the Federalists were out, there was a great fear that a party that looked to average Americans would undermine the social stability of the US when taking power. Jefferson was subjected to incredible denunciation. Actually the leading Republicans were from the same social backgrounds as the Federalists. Despite the inflammatory rhetoric, the election of 1800 became perhaps the first peaceful transfer of power in a nation via elections that had ever occurred in world history. From that point, gaining political power in the US has been a continual contest involving the organizing impetus of political parties. The Republicans gained tremendous ascendancy over the first two decades of the 19th century, becoming one-party rulers. But that proved to be an unstable situation resulting in a split, becoming Jackson's Democrats and Clay's Whigs.

The book is a readily understandable account of the dichotomous political views of the 1790s and their resolution. The Federalists were unwilling to grasp the full significance of the American Revolution. Their elitist and idealist ideas could not prevail. The inchoate feelings of the populace were given coherence in the Republican Party; which became a force that reflected their views and numbers. Jefferson does not go unscathed by the author; he was capable of high-handedness. Yet his election did represent a profound political and social change for the US government and the American people - definitely a second revolution.

Founding Fathers
This book is well-researched and well-detailed, but I can't say I found it particularly fascinating - few of the details stuck with me. Nor can I say that the author's insights seemed particularly bold or original.

Adams, Jefferson, Hamilton and Burr - these are larger-than-life characters who shaped a nation. If you don't know much about them, you could do worse than reading this book. All in all, a decent work but not an outstanding one.

... Read more

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The rumble of President John Adams's coach had hardly died away in the distance on the morning of March 4,1801, when Mr. Thomas Jefferson entered the breakfast room of Conrad's boarding house on Capitol Hill, where he had been living in bachelor's quarters during his Vice-Presidency. He took his usual seat at the lower end of the table among the other boarders, declining with a smile to accept the chair of the impulsive Mrs. Brown, who felt, in spite of her democratic principles, that on this day of all days Mr. Jefferson should have the place which he had obstinately refused to occupy at the head of the table and near the fireplace. There were others besides the wife of the Senator from Kentucky who felt that Mr. Jefferson was carrying equality too far. But Mr. Jefferson would not take precedence over the Congressmen who were his fellow boarders.Conrad's was conveniently near the Capitol, on the south side of the hill, and commanded an extensive view. The slope of the hill, which was a wild tangle of verdure in summer, debouched into a wide plain extending to the Potomac. Through this lowland wandered a little stream, once known as Goose Creek but now dignified by the name of Tiber. The banks of the stream as well as of the Potomac were fringed with native flowering shrubs and graceful trees, in which Mr. Jefferson took great delight. The prospect from his drawing-room windows, indeed, quite as much as anything else, attached him to Conrad's.As was his wont, Mr. Jefferson withdrew to his study after breakfast and doubtless ran over the pages of a manuscript which he had been preparing with some care for this Fourth of March. It may be guessed, too, that here, as at Monticello, he made his usual observations-noting in his diary the temperature, jotting down in the garden-book which he kept for thirty years an item or two about the planting of vegetables, and recording, as he continued to do for eight years, the earliest and latest appearance of each comestible in the Washington market. Perhaps he made a few notes about the "seeds of the cymbling (cucurbita vermeosa) and squash (cucurbita melopipo)" which he purposed to send to his friend Philip Mazzei, with directions for planting; or even wrote a letter full of reflections upon bigotry in politics and religion to Dr. Joseph Priestley, whom he hoped soon to have as his guest in the President's House.Toward noon Mr. Jefferson stepped out of the house and walked over to the Capitol--a tall, rather loose-jointed figure, with swinging stride, symbolizing, one is tempted to think, the angularity of the American character. "A tall, large-boned farmer," an unfriendly English observer called him. His complexion was that of a man constantly exposed to the sun--sandy or freckled, contemporaries called it--but his features were clean-cut and strong and his expression was always kindly and benignant.Aside from salvos of artillery at the hour of twelve, the inauguration of Mr. Jefferson as President of the United States was marked by extreme simplicity. In the Senate chamber of the unfinished Capitol, he was met by Aaron Burr, who had already been installed as presiding officer, and conducted to the Vice-President's chair, while that debonair man of the world took a seat on his right with easy grace. On Mr. Jefferson's left sat Chief Justice John Marshall, a "tall, lax, lounging Virginian," with black eyes peering out from his swarthy countenance. There is a dramatic quality in this scene of the President-to-be seated between two men who are to cause him more vexation of spirit than any others in public life. Burr, brilliant, gifted, ambitious, and profligate; Marshall, temperamentally and by conviction opposed to the principles which seemed to have triumphed in the election of this radical Virginian, to whom indeed he had a deep-seated aversion. After a short pause, Mr. Jefferson rose and read his Inaugural Address in a tone so low that it could be heard by only a few in the crowd ... Read more

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Thomas Jefferson advocated a republic of small farmers--free and independent yeomen. And yet as president he presided over a massive expansion of the slaveholding plantation system--particularly with the Louisiana Purchase--squeezing the yeomanry to the fringes and to less desirable farmland. Now Roger Kennedy conducts an eye-opening examination of that gap between Jefferson's stated aspirations and what actually happened. Kennedy reveals how the Louisiana Purchase had a major impact on land use and the growth of slavery.He examines the great financial interests (such as the powerful land companies that speculated in new territories and the British textile interests) that beat down slavery's many opponents in the South itself (Native Americans, African Americans, Appalachian farmers, and conscientious opponents of slavery). He describes how slaveholders' cash crops (first tobacco, then cotton) sickened the soil and how the planters moved from one desolated tract to the next. Soon the dominant culture of the entire region--from Maryland to Florida, from Carolina to Texas--was that of owners and slaves producing staple crops for international markets. The earth itself was impoverished, in many places beyond redemption.None of this, Kennedy argues, was inevitable. He focuses on the character, ideas, and ambitions of Thomas Jefferson to show how he and other Southerners struggled with themoral dilemmas presented by the presence of Indian farmers on land they coveted, by the enslavement of their workforce, by the betrayal of their stated hopes, and by the manifest damage being done to the earth itself. Jefferson emerges as a tragic figure in a tragic period. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (11)

History Covered from a Different Angle
Roger G. Kennedy examines the steps that were taken by Thomas Jefferson to secure the Louisiana Territory from Spanish acquisition.MR. JEFFERSON'S LOST CAUSE:LAND, FARMERS, SLAVERY, AND THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE covers the pivotal years of 1802 and 1820 and other years connected to Kennedy's study.His main premise is to prove that if constrictions did not exist for Yeomen and slaves, if Jefferson's personal character, arrogance and pessimism, did not interfere with the decisions he made, concessions could have been made before and after the execution of the Louisiana Purchase that may have prevented the US Civil War and the issue of slavery.

MR. JEFFERSON'S LOST CAUSE is a unique examination that Kennedy narrates with extreme detail.But one of the unfortunate aspects of his narration is that some of the passages are so intense with historical data that one loses his point, or forget what the book is about.As Director Emeritus of the National Museum of American History and the National Park Service, Kennedy attempts to creatively intertwine his knowledge and fondness for biological, geological, ecological history, Early American and Roman history as it relates to the activities that occurred with the land.However, they appear out of place and somewhat disconnected to the main subject at hand - Jefferson, the land, slavery, and the Louisiana Purchase.For example, readers may become lost if they do not know about geology, and the different periods that existed, the Jurassic and Cretaceous periods, which he uses as analogies to explain John Marshall's Dartmouth College decision of 1819 and how it ties in with the phases of capitalism and corporate growth as well as the introduction to chapter 13 where he begins his discussion with a short biology lesson about organisms. In addition, this is yet another book where the main character disappears amongst the immense amount of information.Kennedy dedicates a chapter or two on several key contributors to the Louisiana Purchase, Alexander McGillvray and Fulwar Skipwith.

So in essence, what can be learned from reading MR. JEFFERSON'S LOST CAUSE? Kennedy emphasizes that Jefferson was the "father of the land," but did use his experience of Plantation management to the best of his ability to provide balanced relations with the Yeomen. The story and analysis of this historical event was told from a different angle, but may have been enriching if the narrative moved laterally.While reading the book, memories of the past come to mind when I used to have to write and revise papers for my history classes, and had to constantly remind myself what my thesis was.Otherwise, the bibliography is a helpful source to understand the foundation of Kennedy's research.

Socialistic drivel
If you want a good book regarding the Founders and slavery, look to Paul Finkelman's Slavery and the Founders, not this disappointing mess.The organization is poor, there's not a logical flow to the information provided, and the author has a tendency to ramble.We know the Founders failed to implement the Declaration and Jefferson was a hypocrite on many subjects.Don't waste your time hearing it over and over again in this book.

Jeckyl/Hyde Jeffersonians
The truth comes out sooner or later, we hope. Here the record speaks for itself, deflating the strains of Yankee Doodle with some 'historical materialist' analysis of the facts of the case re the schizophrenia of our revered founder, Tom Jefferson, a man of fine words and a spastic record on the issue of slavery. 'What might have been' competes with the indictment of the lost opportunity to prevent the spread of the plantation system into the new territories of the emerging American system, especially in the wake of the Louisiana Purchase.
Between the Declaration and the Gettysberg Address we find too much American history sawdust.
Excellent piece of research behind the myth machines operating on a July Fourth schedule, 'whole cloth', like the commodity of empire in the British cotton kingdom that rapidly survived the blunder of losing its fiefdom in the soon reconquered South.
Yeoman farmers? Come on. My leg is pulled out of joint.

fascinating
I found this book fascinating on many counts.

First, the description of how the plantations east of the Allegheny Mountains were viewed as disposable by the men who ran them, since it was cheaper to buy new land on the frontier than properly maintain the land they currently possessed.Also, how these same men for various reasons and led by Jefferson resisted the industrialization that would diversified the economy of the south.

Second, how Jefferson and his allies catered to the land gluttony displayed by those early planters as new land was acquired for the United States.This was largely accomplished by dispossessing the people inconveniently already settling the land, and handing large swathes of land over to slave-holding planters emigrating from the lands they had exhausted.

Kennedy in fact dwells for much of the book on the territory of Florida (expanding beyond the current borders of that state across much of the South) possessed by Spain and settled prior to US acquisition by a mixture of Indians, whites and blacks who out of neccessity practiced sustainable agriculture on a small scale.I found the picture of Florida in that period to be one of the particularly interesting parts of the book.The relationship between the US and the people already settled on lands it wished to acquire (especially Indians), using Florida as a case study, was enlightening.

Kennedy provides some critical information for evaluating Jefferson's political leadership on the most compelling moral issue facing the young republic-the endurance and expansion of slavery within its boundaries.First, although the debate in Congress during his presidency over the expansion of slavery into new territories was very close, Jefferson refrained from using his influence to lead in this controversy.Thus, his anti-slavery rhetoric was saved for moments in his life (early and late in his career) when it was unlikely to influence policy, and perhaps as no coincidence his self-interest and the interest of his landed friends.Indeed, once Jefferson's agriculturally impoverished land would no longer yield a profit, rather than join other planters heading west, he decided he could support himself most easily by breeding slaves to be sold to thoseemigrants.In this way, the man who despised the merchant and industrial classes for their supposed lack of moral character, supported his own extravagent lifestyle. In this, as on many other issues, Jefferson was an impressively self-indulgent hypocrite.Sadly, this supposedly great president was striking for his lack of will and vision on how best to establish a republic in which the AVERAGE citizen would have a reasonable opportunity to pursue happiness.

I would have liked to have given this book 4 1/2 stars, because there was a certain lack of organization, and some parts were confusing, so I can't say it was perfectly written.But I found the subject matter truly eye-opening and heartily recommend it to anyone interested in the subject matter.

If I could give it a zero, I would.
Roger G.Kennedy is a man on a mission: to embellish, lie and slander Thomas Jefferson. Kennedy is the typical modern biographer,always ready to destroy another one of America's heroes. In the sad and cynical fashion of today, Kennedy does his best to paint Thomas Jefferson as a lousy President, slaveholder and racist. The book is deplorable, just as most modern American history has become. I am sure the modern left, postmodernist, deconstructionist crowd loves this piece. It has all of the nihlism, lies, and propaganda one would expect from a "profession" laden with Marxists and Leninsts who would like nothing better than to see another American icon destroyed. A real piece of garbage. ... Read more

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For over 60 years a fervent debate has raged within political, judicial and religious circles on the issue of "separation of church and state."The premise is rooted in one phrase used by Thomas Jefferson in his personal correspondence.To understand Jefferson's intent, one must understand his position on religion and personal freedom.Using Jefferson's own words, "Wall of Separation" investigates this timely and provocative topic. ... Read more

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Throughout his life, Thomas Jefferson constructed a seemingly impenetrable wall between his public legacy and his private life, a division maintained by his family and the several traditional biographies written about this founding father. Now Virginia Scharff breaks down the barrier between Jefferson's public and private histories to offer an intriguing new portrait of this complicated and influential figure, as seen through the lives of a remarkable group of women.

Scharff brings together for the first time in one volume the stories of these diverse women, separated by race but related by blood, including Jefferson's mother, Jane Randolph; his wife, Martha; her half sister, Sally Hemings, his slave mistress; his daughters; and his granddaughters. "Their lives, their Revolutions, their vulnerabilities, shaped the choices Jefferson made, from the selection of words and ideas in his Declaration, to the endless building of his mountaintop mansion, to the vision of a great agrarian nation that powered his Louisiana Purchase," Scharff writes. Based on a wealth of sources, including family letters, and written with empathy and great insight, The Women Jefferson Loved is a welcome new look at this legendary American and one that offers a fresh twist on American history itself.

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A collection of Presidential Speeches from George Washington's first Inaugural Address in 1789 to the second term Inauguration address by George W. Bush.

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Clotel; or, The President's Daughter is a novel by William Wells Brown, a fugitive from slavery and an abolitionist spokesman. It is often considered the first African-American novel. It is about the tragic lives of Currer, Althesea, and Clotel. In the novel, Currer, a mulatto, is the former mistress of President Thomas Jefferson from whom she has two daughters, Althesea and Clotel. Because she was beautiful and the mistress of Jefferson, Currer and her daughters lived a comfortable life, but this changes when her master passes away. In the end, Currer and Althesea are auctioned to the notorious slave trader, Dick Walker. Clotel is bought by her lover Horatio Green. The separation of these three women is just the beginning of the injustices they face. ... Read more

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This famous biography has been in print for more than 40 years and stands as Jefferson's life story. It traces his life from his childhood as the son of a Virginia planter, to his years as a lawyer, to the Revolutionary War and the early years of the Union. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (6)

A Good Introductory Biography
I'll start off my review by saying this: Jefferson is a good introductory biography of Thomas Jefferson.Having said that much, what does that mean? It means that this is neither best Jefferson biography out there nor is it the worst by any means either.Yet it is a good book nonetheless.

Author Saul K. Padover makes this biography of Jefferson a nice read for the most part, though it does have some considerable flaws. It is detailed in some areas (Jefferson's early life and later life in particular). Yet the book suffers from not being very well detailed in some areas. The biggest example of this is the feuding between the Federalist and Republicans, which stands out in my mind as being a rather disappointing section.One also has to keep ion mind when this book was written because much of the more recent revelations about Jefferson are missing. In fact Sally Hemmings doesn't get a single mention as far as I can remember.Then again this is more of an introductory biography so perhaps this is not a bad thing.

It might not be the best Jefferson biography but it also far from the worst. It may lack details and be out of date in terms of more recent revelations but that doesn't mean it isn't worth being read though. In fact it still makes a good introduction for the general reader. In fact if you're looking for a good place to start and are someone who hasn't read much on Thomas Jefferson, this is the place to start.

Mixed feelings
I have read the unabridged version of this book and would agree with the review above from J. Sharp. If you are looking for an unbiased, objective view of Jefferson, you will probably want to pass on this book. Padover finds few faults in the subject and almost makes excuses for his shortcomings to the point of just being silly. There are so many contradictions, some in the same paragraph, that I started wondering what was fact and what was just Padover's opinion. It became annoying and I found myself almost disliking Jefferson because of the author. I'll have to read a more modern biography I think, from a different author, before I form my own opinion of Jefferson.

Knowing the myth equals knowing the man
Saul K. Padover's biography on President Thomas Jefferson reaches back in time to explain Jefferson's youth and family background.
Being born to "the wealthiest and most respected squire in the county" (9) young Thomas had unique opportunities for education.Not only was he educated in classics and sciences but also in the ways of wringing a living from the frontier.Padover also displays Jefferson's early political career in Virginia's House of Burgesses and later his role in the Revolution.
Padover reveals Jefferson's private self was one of deep feeling and frustrated expression.This runs against the general understanding of Jefferson being a man with an artful mastery of words, being plain spoken yet eloquent with his words carrying more worth than expected.He was often tongue-tied with girls in his youth.After one of these instances admitting to his friend John Page that all he could manage was "a few broken sentences, uttered in great disorder" (18). His emotions were by modern standards, displayed melodramatically.However, a modern reader of his letters should bear in mind that this was the style of the late 18th and early 19th Centuries, especially among the landed gentry of Virginia.His emotions are easiest seen in the death of his wife.He had made a promise to his dying wife Martha that he would not re-marry after her passing.This instance gives a unique view of a unique man.At this time in America, especially among the wealthy a man remarried.It was usually done out of necessity to help raise children and manage a massive household.Perhaps Martha could not die knowing that another woman would share the love of her beloved, brilliant husband.Privately he mourned her death, bearing his deep sorrow and pain inside dropping his contact with the outside world for six months (58).
His inner emotions are displayed in sharp contrast to his public life.Although his feelings on public issues and figures were certainly known to the general public, as they elected him for President because of his advocacy of the common man in 1800.His ability to keep his emotions out of his public life aided his way to the Executive Mansion.His usual response to derogatory remarks printed about him in the different Federalist Papers was silence.
Once arriving in the nation's executive position he had a profound impact on the office and on the country as a whole.He brought in a cabinet of men who all had the same amount of votes as he did.They all worked together to solve the nations problems and to see to the people's needs.Jefferson also kept the Executive Mansion very casual, by the day's standards.He instituted the practice of "pele mele", where no one ranking person preceded or followed in and out of a room.This tiny matter was enough to produce a minor international scandal (145). Another incident involving Jefferson's casual standard at the President's home was when British Minister Anthony Merry arrived in gold lace and dress sword and full regalia and was received by President Jefferson in a manor that was weighed to be a "studied insult to His Majesty" (144-145).
The duration of Jefferson's two terms in office had many lasting effects.His crowing achievement was the Louisiana Purchase.He had wanted to ensure the Mississippi as being free to navigate for American farmers and businessmen and also to purchase the port of New Orleans and the surrounding territory.At the time of making the decision to take New Orleans by purchase or force Spain's holdings in America were transferred to Napoleon's French government.After negotiations with Tallyrand the Americans were shocked to come away with all of Louisiana.Shocked but pleased.The purchase included more land than all of Western Europe, more than doubling the size of the country.
Although Jefferson was a man keenly aware of his public persona, he certainly did not make policy based on his public image.After all he did not mind people knowing about his close friendship with the controversial Thomas Paine (146).Characteristically, he would not rescind his unpopular "Republican" ideals during his time as Secretary of State, beyond the point of being called a "Jacobin" (93).
Though many disliked Jefferson in his own time Mr. Padover obviously admires him.Mr. Padover lavishes Jefferson with descriptions depicting him as an "enlightened . . . cultivated gentleman who was rich and tolerant" (24).Padover has an unabashed sense of respect and admiration for the man.
Through reading Padover's interpretation of Jefferson's life I have gained a better understanding, a deeper appreciation for the man whom I now admire.Jefferson's personal standards for understanding I wish I could emulate.I also appreciate his desire for religious freedom, basing this standard freedom on the rational thought that "The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others.But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods, or no god.It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg . . ." (44).However, he would say that one of his greatest accomplishments was that he made several changes and new policies without the shedding of blood.Through these examples of Jefferson's life I have come to respect him as a man and as President.

blc

Excellent overview of TJ's life
For those who are interested more in a chronology of Jefferson's life and less a perspective of the events of his time, this book is perfect. Somewhat preachy, probably too adulatory of Jefferson, it nevertheless strikes an excellent balance between being comprehensive yet concise.

Good as a first introduction to Jefferson
Having not read the unabridged version of this biography, I cannot compare this volume to it. But Padover was certainly an authority of the first order on the man and this volume is crammed with plenty of facts. Like Douglas Freeman's Washington, however, there are no negatives to be found in Padover's Jefferson. All the players in the story wear either a pristine white hat or a muddy black one and this can often be distracting to those who desire an unbiased account (especially of the Federalist/Republican tug of war). On the whole, however, this edition will surely be of help to those who are interested in a brisk yet detailed introduction to Jefferson. ... Read more

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Benjamin Franklin chronicles all the many facets of his life as a printer, statesman, scientist, inventor, diplomat, writer, and patriot.

Published posthumously, it first appeared in French, and later in English.We are lucky to be able to read this literary achievement, as Franklin's initial intention for this document of his life and his work was for the sole use and enjoyment of his son, William. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (127)

A nice history, but doesn't include the revolution.
Overall an interesting book that details the first fifty years or so of Benjamin Franklin's life. As one of America's most interesting and charismatic founding fathers, this book does outline nicely the methods and reason that formed the personality that he is. Unfortunately the book cuts off in approximately 1755 and does not cover any of the American revolution at all. There really is no fault to be had of that because of how and when this was written, but I would advice to any reader that, that content is no in this volume.

The only other major complaint of the book is that it can be at times difficult to read since there are no chapters. The book is one continual exposition of Mr. Franklin's life which at times jumps around in content. I often found myself lost or confused as to what was being discussed if I took long periods of time between readings.

Overall though this is a nice book to read if you are looking at some background into the life of Benjamin Franklin.

Omitting the interesting stuff
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/B000JMLMXI/ref=cm_cr_rev_prod_img

Franklin wrote this autobiography thinking about how he wanted to be remembered, not how he was. As a result, you won't find anything in it about his illegitimate child(ren) or the Hell-fire Club. You won't find much about the Court of St. James. You will find a reasonably good account of his youth and adolescence, but when it gets to his adulthood, he--how do we put this?--he told the truth but not the whole truth. Possibly he told nothing but the truth, but I say again, he didn't tell the whole truth. I expected this book to be longer and more interesting than it was.

Autobiography of Ben Franklin
I was disappointed. I am an admirer of the good Dr. and figured I'd go to the source! Well, what I read was fine ... but it ended rather abruptly. It seemed like maybe his effort was never truly finished.It stops in the middle of life. There was still so much left to write!!!

Great Read
I am a history bug and I enjoyed this book from cover to cover. I read it on my Mac with the Kindle application and enjoyed it so much that my wife bought me a Kindle for my birthday. Amazon has many titles at no charge. Some are so so, but for me, this was a great trip back in time with one of the most gifted minds of the enlightenment.

Suggested to all young men to enter the world
I came across this book without prior intent to find it. Having read it, I believe it beneficial to recommend any young man at the end of his schooling, about to embark on life in the "real world," To read this publication. ... Read more

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The Meriwether Lewis and William Clark Expedition (1803–1806), headed by Meriwether Lewis and William Clark, was the first American overland expedition to the Pacific coast and back.
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Sally Hemings is a novel, but its basis is in fact-as proven by DNA tests on the descendants of Thomas Jefferson and the mysterious woman who bore him seven children.Barbara Chase-Riboud's moving and controversial novel recreates the love story of Thomas Jefferson, third President of the United States and author of the Declaration of Independence, and his beautiful quadroon slave, Sally Hemings. Spanning two continents, sixty years, and seven presidencies, Sally Hemings explores the complex blend of love and hate, tenderness and cruelty, freedom and bondage, that made their lifelong liaison one of the most poignant and unforgettable chapters in American history.Amazon.com Review
When this stirring work by Philadelphia-born Paris-basedsculptress and historical-fiction writer Barbara Chase-Riboud firstappeared in 1979, it was dismissed by many mainstream historians as"hogwash." But with DNA evidence proving that Thomas Jefferson, thethird president of the United States, did indeed father at least onechild by his black slave mistress, Sally Hemings, Chase-Riboud's bookdeserves a new read.With her painstaking eye for research, Chase-Riboud unfolds a complex19th-century quilt of miscegenation, denial, hypocrisy, slavery and,yes, love in Virginia. She brings to life Heming's relationship withMartha, her half-sister and the President's wife on his Monticelloestate; Jefferson's seduction of Hemings in Paris after Martha'sdeath; and his lifelong concubinage of Hemings until his own death,when she and her offspring were freed. Chase-Riboud avoids thesentimental "tragic-mulatto trap" that other writers have fallen intowhen they deal with slave relations by making Hemings not onlymultidimensional and believable, but, given late-20th-centurypolitical scandals, chillingly contemporary. Along with the novel'sother sub-themes, including black disenfranchisement and the fear ofreenslavement, Riboud intimates that Jefferson-- despite his racistrantings in Notes on the State of Virginia, which Chase-Ribouduses as epigraphs--may have actually loved this black woman, and thatthe relationship between Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings wasperhaps the clearest example of the American imperative of "seeking amore perfect union," a controversial portrayal that Chase-Riboud makesplausible with skillfully written prose.--Eugene Holley Jr. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (25)

Love Is Warmer than Blood
Barbara Chase-Riboud's novel, "Sally Hemings," is based upon the life and love of an African-American slave of that name and her famous lover, Thomas Jefferson, president of the United States. The political and social implications of such a book are so great one almost gasps at the daring an author demonstrates in such an undertaking. Beyond the courage Ms. Chase-Riboud has shown, however, knowing her book will be read by a large audience, some of whom will be inclined to be hostile, her work, always showing, never telling or pedantic, is also often sheer poetry.

Another thing that elevates this book above much historical fiction and narrative is the author's devotion to characterization -- why did Sally and Jefferson do what they did? And, to what end? Most of all, this book is a love story, a story of a love of great magnitude and consequence. It is on that note the novel begins and and it is there that it ends.

Again, it is the author's skill that has made the book so very accessible, allowed us to see into the hearts and minds of this famous couple -- and, to cause us to cheer them on. The reader is, for instance, blinded by their love enough to want them to overcome the issues of black and white, rich and poor, and the fact that there is a gap of three decades between their ages.

It is difficult for me to believe that it's possible for one to read "Sally Hemings" without being changed somehow. The magic. More than the historical aspects of the novel, the human dimension of it has enriched my life. Thank you, Barbara Chase-Riboud.

A poignant tale...
...but not one I'm not entirely convinced into believing. When I first started reading this tale, I was encouraged by the 'voice' given to Sally Hemings--a figure, who for all the controversy surrounding her (no matter how much credence one puts into controvertible DNA results and oral-folk history), remains shadowed by obscurity and a veil of enigmatic silence.Who was she, her thoughts, feelings, motives, fears and loves??? This book brought home a characterization which has been sorely lacking, (along with Thomas Jefferson's--although I'd go more for Gore Vidal's version of Jefferson, than the impotent seeming caricature portrayed here). Something bothered me, though, and I couldn't quite put my finger on it, about Sally Hemings' character as the story progressed. Mind you, I love historical fiction which allows women a voice, and re-establishes their contributions to history (and there are so many tales to be told, Dorthea Erxleben, Maria Dalle Donne, kudos to Janet Paisley's tale of Anne Farquharson and the Jacobite revolts, etc etc.) in the context of wider issues reflecting the sweeping social changes, drama, and the daily turmoils of life.
Some time around Jefferson's first presidential term, Sally started losing some legitimacy, and so did the story. It wasn't that there was any difficulty believing (at least for the sake of creative license in this novel) Sally as an intelligent, educated and literate woman, with opinions of her own, and a favored place in the Monticello hierarchy, in spite of her indentured slavery. Indeed, it was her slavery that lent even more power to her voice, her mind, her views, and her interactions with the various characters (however improbable they might have been).Then, I realized, for me at least, it was the fact of this characterization of a literate, strong, cognizant female protagonist who was sabotaged in some way by the essence of her slave existence.Where-in and why, with all this education and insight into the political and social complexities unfolding at the time, would a woman, especially a slave, even one indentured to Thomas Jefferson, allow herself to remain in that kind of bondage for 38 years, and with children born into the same institution besides??? Even for the sake of a love that became increasingly deluded when she realized the ultimate betrayal of Jefferson never acknowledging the legacy of their children, I found this a hard evolution of the story and this character to stomach. To put it succinctly, it seems a slap in the face to Harriet Tubman, and the struggle that incurred over the next centuries, for freedom, equality and legal recognition in a country that is still falling short of achieving these promises to Her immensely diverse ethnic groups.

To be fair, I do think this dichotomy is alluded to in Sally's internal struggle and dialogues, throughout flashbacks and current setting of her developing interaction with Nathan Langdon.Ultimately, though, this device, while painting a 'tragic' love of Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings, seems bent on reflecting the ultimate sell-out of what Andrew Burnstein recognizes as Jefferson's tremulous attitude toward addressing (and redressing) the issue of slavery; only in this book, Sally becomes his accomplice as well.

Great Book and I could feel some of the parts
This was a wonderful book although it was fiction.It was extremely interesting to see how the interest in Sally Hemmings was and also how the relationship developed which seemed to be a co-dependent one.Also how she kept their relationship private and how she was in love with him but at the same time she realized that she was loving a man that could not and would not duplicate the affection.The worst part of the book was the end in where she watched her fmaily get sold off. So much for love right.

It's Not History
I was a guide at Thomas Jefferson's Monticello when the DNA evidence linking Jefferson to Hemings exploded in the mid-1990s, and know how affected many were by the mere thought of this relationship being real.The reverberations are still being felt a full decade-plus later.

Barbara Chase-Riboud published this novel a full 15 years before the Jefferson-Hemings relationship was all but confirmed (despite the protestations of a still vocal minority), and what better way to contextualize something about which we know so little than with a work of fiction?With actual evidence to contradict her being quite scarce, Chase-Riboud is able to turn the tale into a detailed, dramatic story.It really doesn't matter who the main protagonists happen to be.I am reminded of Michael Shaara's "The Killer Angels", in which the author used very well known situations and "characters" (Lee, Chamberlain) to create tense, gripping scenes that undoubtedly did not occur exactly as written.

It's not a work of history, and regardless of your opinion re: whether Jefferson did or didn't you'll find yourself turning page after page.

Monticello Mystique... A masterpiece
I just visited Monticello and I must say that Chase-Riboud did an amazing job with bringing depth and vitality to the spirit of Monticello. She incorporated so much fact into this story it reads as an autobiography. Without a doubt this is a classic and a must read for all history courses. The author incorporates race, sex, power and Jeffersonian ideals into Sally Heming's legacy.

The language used to describe this affair is very balanced and gives a well-rounded testament to how many people were touched by Jefferson's life. It also helps present day Americans revaluate how we view Jefferson's politics and the true meaning of the Declaration of Independence.

I could read this book over and over and I highly recommend visiting Monticello to truly grasp the details that Chase-Riboud has put in the book to bring Sally Hemings' truth to life.
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Product Description
GEORGE WASHINGTON'S DINNERS is a highly entertaining, historically informative and deliciously engaging CHILDREN'S BOOK about the FOUNDING FATHERS' favorite foods.

The author, S.E. King, is a lawyer and journalist with a Ph.D. in history from the University of California, Berkeley. Her articles on American history, politics, business, and law have appeared in the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Business Journal, USA Today, Newsweek and other national publications.

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Product Description
An internationally acclaimed historian and essayist explores the presidency of Washington and considers his conflict with Jefferson--a conflict that determined the future of America. After a long and distinguished international career as a politician, commentator, and author, Conor Cruise O'Brien has written another tour de force that will surely spark debate. In First in Peace, O'Brien, described as "a man who so persistently asks the right questions" (THE ECONOMIST), both poses and answers the question of how America's future was shaped during George Washington's presidency. First in Peace considers the dissension between Washington and Thomas Jefferson, revealing Washington's clear-sighted political wisdom while exposing Jefferson's dangerous ideology. O'Brien makes the case that Washington, not Jefferson, was the true democrat, and commends Washington's clarity of vision in restoring good relations with Britain, his preference for order and pragmatism, and his aversion to French political extremism. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

George Washington and the French Revolution
I found Cruise O'Brien's last book, "First in Peace" (2009) in the process of searching for something to read in celebration of Presidents' Day.The late Conor Cruise O'Brien (1917 - 2008) was an Irish diplomat and politican and an international scholar. O'Brien wrote about, among other things, Irish politics, the State of Israel, the French Revolution, early American history, and Edmund Burke. Although known for his left wing views, which he modified late in life, O'Brien was a great admirer of Edmund Burke. In this unusual combination, (political liberalism and Burkean conservatism) O'Brien was similar to the American legal scholar, Alexander Bickel.

In "First in Peace", O'Brien examines the presidency of Washington to explore, as the book's subtitle indicates, "how George Washington set the course for America." A further "publisher's note" explains that the book endeavors to show the "art of subtle, magnaminous, and wide-resonating statecreaft practiced by a president at a tender moment in America's history, especially in relationship to the rest of the world."The book in part is a continuation of an earlier work of O'Brien's, "The Long Affair" (1986) which was a highly critical examination of the presidency of Thomas Jefferson.

O'Brien's book is in two short chapters, one for each of Washington's terms as president. Although American domestic issues, including the establishment of the Bank of the United States and the Whiskey Rebellion, receive some attention, the focus of the study is on foreign affairs. In particular, O'Brien explores President Washington's reaction to the French Revolution and to the attendant turmoil in Europe. In the book, Jefferson, as Washington's Secretary of State, and his followers appear as the foil to the statecraft and moderation practiced by Washington and his Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton.

The book's discussion of Washington's first term begins with a private letter of Washington, written in October, 1789, in which the president expressed his concern with the then-recent French Revolution. Washington predicted that its ideological excess would lead in the end to lawlessness, violence, and militarism. With his concern with events in France, Washington began secret overtures to Britain early in his administration before appointing Thomas Jefferson as his Secretary of State.Washington appointed Jefferson to his cabinet to include a spectrum of opinions; but from the beginning, O'Brien argues, Washington paid little attention to him. Jefferson was a fiery supporter of the French Revolution and became Secretary of State without knowledge of the covert negotiations for closeness to Britain that Washington had already initiated.O'Brien argues that Washington never had any confidence in Jefferson's foreign policy expertise or opinions.Instead, Washington relied upon his own judgment in foreign affairs, as reinforced by the advice of Treasury Secretary Hamilton.Hamilton is given great stature in O'Brien's account for his domestic and foreign policy roles in the Washington administration. By contrast, Jefferson is shown as attempting to undermine Washington's efforts for political and ideological purposes.

O'Brien's discussion of Washington's second term begins with the presidential proclamation of neutrality followed by what has become known as the "Genet affair". The French minister to the United States, Edmond-Charles Genet, attempted to circumvent diplomatic channels and to foment support for an alliance with Revolutionary France among the American people. Genet also commissioned French privateers from American shores. O'Brien provides documents that show that Genet was following orders from the French Directory in these matters rather than acting alone, as is sometimes assumed. Washington ordered the French government to recall Genet and Jefferson resigned as Secretary of State shortly thereafter. O'Brien tries to find duplicity in Jefferson's attitudes with respect to Genet.

The discussion of the Genet affair is followed by a treatment of Washington's supression of the Whiskey Rebellion and of the president's attendant discrediting of political societies.These societies were supporting a closer alliance between the United States and France. O'Brien further considers the controversial treaty with Britain negotiated by Chief Justice John Jay which was narrowly ratified in face of widespread disapproval.The theme of the book is that Washington's prudence and judgment in foreign affairs, spared the United States from a ruinous alliance with France and from the excesses of the Revolution. Washington truly was "First in Peace" and a model for subsequent American statesmen.

O'Brien offers a worthwhile if abbreviated account of Washington's presidency. I suspect it might have been expanded upon if O'Brien had lived. Readers familiar with the literature on Washington's presidency will be aware that scholars have disagreed about the relative roles of Washington, Hamilton, and Jefferson. O'Brien captures the independent, deliberative, and reflective character of Washington's judgments together with Washington's high regard for Hamilton. Jefferson comes across badly. The focus of the book is on the dangers that France posed to the new American Republic. The dangers emanating from British seizures of American ships and other belligerent actions receive little mention in O'Brien's study. Thus, O'Brien tends to minimize the reasons underlying the widespread dissatisfaction in the United States with Jay's treaty.Similarly, O'Brien may move too quickly to support what other writers have seen as supression of dissent during Washington's second term.And the book presupposes a lengthy explanation of how the French Revolution differed from the earlier American Revolution.Discussion of this subject would have been appropriate and welcome.

With these questions, O'Brien's book remains a thoughtful, provocative book on the Washington presidency. It explains why our first president is deservedly held in high esteem and thus was an appropriate book to read and consider for Presidents' Day. The book will be of most interest to readers who have some background in the issues of Washington's presidency and with the turbulent early years of the United States.

Robin Friedman ... Read more

Product Description
The Two Treatises of Government (or "Two Treatises of Government: In the Former, The False Principles and Foundation of Sir Robert Filmer, And His Followers, are Detected and Overthrown. The Latter is an Essay concerning The True Original, Extent, and End of Civil-Government") is a work of political philosophy published anonymously in 1689 by John Locke. The First Treatise attacks patriarchalism in the form of sentence-by-sentence refutation of Robert Filmer's Patriarcha and the Second Treatise outlines a theory of political or civil society based on natural rights and contract theory. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (17)

Simply Perfect!
This came right on time, on a 2 day devilery!Now that's a seller one can trust!The book came in securely packaged, safe, clean, no missing pages, no markings, no bended pages, just as promised! The book was in new like, wonderfuly condition, this is a great seller!

Essential Reading
John Locke is clearly one of the greatest political philosophers ever and the Two Treatises show why.Natural Rights, Origin of Property, State of Nature, State of War, Law, Role of Good Government it is all here and described beautifully.There is no doubt the founders were clearly influenced by John Locke, Thomas Jefferson said the 3 greatest influences on him were Sir Isaac Newton, John Locke, and Francis Bacon.This book, The Declaration of Independence and the Federalist Papers are classics that are never out of date.

Modern Liberals spurn their heritage and have devolved into socialism and communism but once upon a time Liberalism wasn't a dirty word however it is now up to Conservatives to carry the mantle of Liberty since Modern Liberals have abandoned it.To do that though Conservatives need to read this work.The fight for Liberty is never over equality of outcomes, complacency, laziness, and tyranny all fight against it but they will all fail against an educated populous who do not fall prey to the siren song of nihilism, relativism, and despotism.

Not as advertised
I ordered this for my kindle, but didn't get the Cambridge edition advertised, but a different, simpler mobi edition.The text is riddled with typos, which makes it difficult to read in places.On the other hand, you do get the Two Treatises for .99 cents.

#11 The primer of natural law and private property!
This is the primer of natural law and private property. John Locke was read by almost everyone in America in the 1700s including all the founding fathers, which by the way was one of the most literate periods in history! Way more so than today with our public (Socialist) schooling system.

Review of Laslett's 'Two Treatises'
I'm a bit torn on this edition of Locke. On the one hand, it begins with an excellent and extensive introduction speaking to Locke's biography and political theory. There is even a theory that directly relates the works to Hobbes. Further, the text is supplemented by clear and copious footnotes.

However, because Laslett decided to keep faith with the original printing, the text is filled with awkward, archaic spelling, punctuation and patterns in capitalization. This only adds to an already difficult language of the 'Treatises.'

So, again, great introduction and footnotes, but a transparent presentation of the original writing detracts from this otherwise fantastic edition. ... Read more

Product Description
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN was born in Milk Street, Boston, on January 6, 1706. His father, Josiah Franklin, was a tallow chandler who married twice, and of his seventeen children Benjamin was the youngest son. His schooling ended at ten, and at twelve he was bound apprentice to his brother James, a printer, who published the "New England Courant." To this journal he became a contributor, and later was for a time its nominal editor. But the brothers quarreled, and Benjamin ran away, going first to New York, and thence to Philadelphia, where he arrived in October, 1723. He soon obtained work as a printer, but after a few months he was induced by Governor Keith to go to London, where, finding Keith's promises empty, he again worked as a compositor till he was brought back to Philadelphia by a merchant named Denman, who gave him a position in his business. On Denman's death he returned to his former trade, and shortly set up a printing house of his own from which he published "The Pennsylvania Gazette," to which he contributed many essays, and which he made a medium for agitating a variety of local reforms. In 1732 he began to issue his famous "Poor Richard's Almanac" for the enrichment of which he borrowed or composed those pithy utterances of worldly wisdom which are the basis of a large part of his popular reputation. In 1758, the year in which he ceases writing for the Almanac, he printed in it "Father Abraham's Sermon," now regarded as the most famous piece of literature produced in Colonial America.
Meantime Franklin was concerning himself more and more with public affairs. He set forth a scheme for an Academy, which was taken up later and finally developed into the University of Pennsylvania; and he founded an "American Philosophical Society" for the purpose of enabling scientific men to communicate their discoveries to one another. He himself had already begun his electrical researches, which, with other scientific inquiries, he called on in the intervals of money-making and politics to the end of his life. In 1748 he sold his business in order to get leisure for study, having now acquired comparative wealth; and in a few years he had made discoveries that gave him a reputation with the learned throughout Europe. In politics he proved very able both as an administrator and as a controversialist; but his record as an office-holder is stained by the use he made of his position to advance his relatives. His most notable service in home politics was his reform of the postal system; but his fame as a statesman rests chiefly on his services in connection with the relations of the Colonies with Great Britain, and later with France. In 1757 he was sent to England to protest against the influence of the Penns in the government of the colony, and for five years he remained there, striving to enlighten the people and the ministry of England as to Colonial conditions. On his return to America he played an honorable part in the Paxton affair, through which he lost his seat in the Assembly; but in 1764 he was again despatched to England as agent for the colony, this time to petition the King to resume the government from the hands of the proprietors. In London he actively opposed the proposed Stamp Act, but lost the credit for this and much of his popularity through his securing for a friend the office of stamp agent in America. Even his effective work in helping to obtain the repeal of the act left him still a suspect; but he continued his efforts to present the case for the Colonies as the troubles thickened toward the crisis of the Revolution. In 1767 he crossed to France, where he was received with honor; but before his return home in 1775 he lost his position as postmaster through his share in divulging to Massachusetts the famous letter of Hutchinson and Oliver. On

AND SO MUCH MORE ... Read more

Product Description
The complete texts of all U.S. presidential inaugural addresses from George Washington in 1789 to Barack Obama in 2009.

The Kindle Edition includes a full Table of Contents. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

All the speeches, in one place
Following Obama's inauguration speech, I was interested in comparing it to the ones that had come before. This book brings them all together, and, through the hyper-linked front index indicating the president's name and the year of the inauguration, they are very easy to browse and read. Fascinating stuff. ... Read more

Product Description
Originally published in 1854.This volume from the Cornell University Library's print collections was scanned on an APT BookScan and converted to JPG 2000 format by Kirtas Technologies.All titles scanned cover to cover and pages may include marks notations and other marginalia present in the original volume. ... Read more

Product Description
"I have often inquired of myself, what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy [nation] so long together. It was ... something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time ... that all should have an equal chance. That is the sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence.... I would rather be assassinated on this spot than to surrender it." -Abraham Lincoln, February 22, 1861In this compelling study of the moral principles that most influenced the thinking of Abraham Lincoln, historian Allen Jayne argues persuasively that Lincoln regarded the Declaration of Independence, above all other documents, as the most important embodiment of American principles. This "American manifesto," as Jayne calls it, with its eloquent expression of the ideals of individual liberty and government created to protect and preserve that liberty, was the script that Lincoln followed in his struggle to preserve the Union and extend individual liberties to African Americans. Moreover, Jayne demonstrates that Lincoln's philosophy was rooted, not in a Bible-based evangelical Christian perspective, but in the European Enlightenment and deism, which so profoundly influenced the thinking of Thomas Jefferson and other Founding Fathers.

Jayne begins with a chapter devoted to the influence of deism on Jefferson's formulation of the Declaration of Independence. Next, he discusses Lincoln's adoption of the deistic perspective and the crucial role that the Declaration played in his thoughts and actions. He also considers Lincoln's moral sense, based on deism's tolerance of different belief systems and universal moral idealism. Finally, he describes Lincoln's role as chief advocate for the Declaration's principles and how the Gettysburg Address and his Second Inaugural Address reflect this underlying philosophy.

This insightful look into the thinking of one of our nation's greatest presidents during a time of crisis is highly relevant in today's climate of religious extremism and debates over the balance between individual liberty and national security. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (4)

The Philosophic Mind of Lincoln
This is a fascinating and remarkable journey into the mind of Lincoln, in which the influence of his religious beliefs and moral foundation on his thinking, goals, and decision-making are described.Allen Jayne presents well-documented evidence that Lincoln's religion consisted of a simple belief in God, without the dogmatic trappings of traditional Christianity, which he rejected.Dr. Jayne draws this conclusion through Lincoln's own statements, the testimony of those who knew Lincoln, the philosophers whose works Lincoln studied, and from key phrases in his speeches and writings that reflect deistic principles.This book should go a long way in finally settling any remaining debate over Lincoln's religious views.

The author notes that a similar deistic belief system was held by Jefferson (as is well-known, and which was explored in previous works by Dr. Jayne), and that the Declaration of Independence was created and exists quite apart from Christian dogma.Indeed, as one reads the Declaration (provided in the book), it is evident that Christian dogma are not only absent from its text, but are completely unnecessary to convey its purpose.One of Dr. Jayne's points is that a beliefonly in "nature's God" without dogmatic constraints, along with the intellectual concepts as enunciated by Locke and others, comprised the foundation of thought that led to the Declaration.Dr. Jayne emphasizes the basic roles of reason and morality (not necessarily of Christian origin) in the founding of the United States as enunciated in its manifesto - the Declaration.

Into this framework arises Lincoln, whose spiritual and intellectual make-up were in harmony with those of Jefferson and the other founders.It became Lincoln's mission to fulfillthe Declaration by establishing and maintaining freedom for all, while preserving the Union.In the political actions he took to help accomplish these, he often communicated the notion of "God's will" to abolish slavery or to achieve victory.But Lincoln believed this God was universal - and was not necessarily associated with Christianity or any other faith. Dr. Jayne presents strong evidence for this, and establishes an insight into Lincoln that is clear and believable. As an example, the narrative exposes instances of Lincoln's need to phrase statements in such a way to satisfy the Christian constituency, while not allowing them to discover that he was in fact not one of them.As a consequence, Lincoln, already known as a master politician, is shown to be even more so in this study. Dr. Jayne writes well, convincingly, and is supported by solid and exhaustive research.The book is a must-read for the Lincoln scholar, or by anyone with an interest in history.

Lincoln regarded the Declaration of Independence as the greatest embodiment of American principles.
College-level holdings strong in early American political history and social biography would do well to consider Lincoln and the American Manifesto: unlike most coverages its focus is on the moral principles that influenced his thinking, with historian Allen Jayne arguing that Lincoln regarded the Declaration of Independence as the greatest embodiment of American principles. Lincoln's moral perspective and his influence on creating the beliefs and ideals of the American union makes for absorbing discussions perfect for classroom debate and college-level study.

Lincoln the Deist
Allen Jayne analyses the ideology of our greatest President in light of the philosophical principles espoused by the founders of the American Republic. He portrays Abraham Lincoln as the true heir of the founding generation - the "final founder," who completed the work of the founding by extending the blessings of individual liberty promised in the Declaration of Independence to all Americans. The Civil War, he contends, was fought by Lincoln primarily to achieve that purpose. His ultimate objective was to confer freedom and civil liberties upon the freedmen who emerged from slavery as a consequence of that war. So far, I find myself in complete agreement with the author's point of view.

Jayne goes on to make the not particularly novel argument that Lincoln looked upon the Declaration of Independence (the "American Manifesto"), rather than the Constitution, as the embodiment of America's foundational principles; and that his greatest speeches (the Gettysburg Address, the Second Inaugural, etc.) were an appeal to and elaboration of the principles found in the Declaration.

Asserting correctly that Jefferson's appeal to "Nature's God" and "their Creator" in the Declaration were the words of a Deist, expressing the Enlightenment belief in an impersonal, rational deity rather than the Biblical God of Christianity, he further contends that Lincoln shared Jefferson's Deist beliefs.

From this he proceeds to the conclusion that traditional Christianity played an insignificant role in the founding of the American Republic. As a life long skeptic about matters of religious dogma, I must part company with the author at this point. The United States was founded on both the ideals of the Anglo-American Enlightenment (from John Locke and Adam Smith to Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton), and on Christian teachings (from the Puritans and John Wesley to Henry Ward Beecher and the abolitionists). America has always been a melding of these two intellectual traditions.

But what difference does all this make? Jefferson and Lincoln both appealed to the Divinity to justify their works. It matters not whether they conceived of that deity as the traditional God of Christianity or the Deist's God of Nature. Both held that God was the source of all human rights. Both believed that mankind's unalienable rights come from a divine source, not from Congress or the Supreme Court.

Above all, although Jefferson and Lincoln may have been Deists, they certainly were not atheists. Seeing God as the source and author of man's fundamental rights, they did not seek to destroy his faith in God. They both understood clearly that to destroy man's belief in divine authority would destroy the basis for the unalienable rights of man.

Jefferson and Lincoln would have been dismayed by our contemporary atheists' assaults on religious faith. They would have understood that these attacks are not simply attacks on Christianity or on religion in general, but on man's freedom of conscience, and therefore, on the very foundation of his God given human rights.

It has often been said that "ideas have consequences." So does belief in a divine order (whether in the Judeo-Christian God of Love and Mercy or the Deist God of Reason and Nature). And the absence of faith in a divine order has consequences too - often the worst kinds of consequences. There has never been an atheist state (from the French Revolution to Nazi Germany to the Soviet Union) in which human rights were not trampled in the dust of the Terror and the Death Camps and the Gulag.

A Prudent Man
An extended but reasonable argument advancing the author's views -- as opposed to a balanced presentation --on the political/religious mind of our greatest president.

To Dr. Jayne Mr. Lincoln was a rational deist, like Thomas Jefferson, rather than a mainstream Christian. And abolishing slavery was the long sought goal of the man who would become our 16th president, who based his thinking on the clear text of the country's founding document, The Declaration of Independence.

This interesting book reinforces the notion that religious tolerance and equal treatment of citizens are bedrock principles of the successful political society represented by the United States, which is still -- or should be still -- a model for the modern world.

One annoying style habit of the author is to refer the reader back to prior chapters for points made. For example on p. 215 this device is used four times. Also, a jarring note is struck on p. 274 where the author quotes Sean Hannity for a particular point (an actually well made point).Sean Hannity, the often-loud talk-show host, cited in a serious book on Abraham Lincoln? ... Read more