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Originally published in 1913.This volume from the Cornell University Library's print collections was scanned on an APT BookScan and converted to JPG 2000 format by Kirtas Technologies.All titles scanned cover to cover and pages may include marks notations and other marginalia present in the original volume. ... Read more

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Praise for The Elephant in the Room



"This funny, sobering, smart book reminds Republicans that having beliefs isn't good enough. You have to act on them. Winning isn't enough; you have to win with a purpose in mind. Ryan Sager sounds a real call to arms. The party would be wise to hear it."
--Peggy Noonan, columnist, The Wall Street Journal

"An insightful and eminently readable account of the current conservative crackup. Anyone who wants to understand American politics today needs to read Sager's chronicle of the ongoing civil war in the conservative ranks."
--Paul Begala, coauthor of Take It Back

"Two feisty American factions are at daggers drawn. No, the fight is not conservatives versus liberals. Rather, it is libertarian conservatives versus 'social issues' conservatives. In this illuminating examination of the changing ideological geography of American politics, Ryan Sager suggests that the conservatives must choose between Southern and Western flavors of conservatism. He prefers the latter."
--George F. Will, syndicated columnist

"Sager picks up where Bruce Bartlett left off with Impostor. The Elephant in the Room tells us how libertarians and the Christian conservatives are at swords' point over Bush's 'big government conservatism.' Anyone who wants to understand this important debate should get a copy of Sager's book."
--John B. Judis, coauthor of The Emerging Democratic Majority

"Ryan Sager offers an eloquent, elegant argument that the GOP has lost its way--an argument that even those of us who disagree with many of his criticisms and object passionately to many of his characterizations must take with the utmost seriousness."
--John Podhoretz, author of Can She Be Stopped? ... Read more

Customer Reviews (16)

Worthy political roadmap for conservatives
I'm ambivalent whether we conservatives need to be moral or money makers.What's the point of the free market without the Decalogue?Rabbi Daniel Lapin has written a book showing how both can be one and the same.

I lean libertarian as does the author Ryan Sager, who like me is a former intern with the Cato Institute, the libertarian's Heritage Foundation.

But the right's stance on moral issues such as abortion, euthanasia, pornography, Terri Schiavo, drug use, etc. may have come to the detriment of the party's success outside the South.Why can't a hippie cancer patient take a puff on a joint, asks Sager? (I'm paraphrasing)

There's the American West ripe for the taking, argues Sager somewhat convincingly, for freedom-loving, pro-growth politicians who publicly embrace the Second Amendment.I think that's about right.Too often in recent years Republicans gave only lip service to these American ideals.He uses as a colorful example the governor of Montana who is a Democrat who loves guns.Not what one sees in the Northeast where gun rights people are almost exclusively Republican.

The "fusionism" first espoused by Frank S. Meyer needs to be trumpeted by the conservative rooftops. Ryan Sager has beaten others (Jonathan Adler, we're waiting.) to the punch in doing just that in a way that wittily recounts past political events in a charming, even elegant way.

The growth of spending under Bush is scary. On page 191 Sager writes: "An analysis published in USA Today in March 2006 found that federal entitlement spending had grown more between 2000 and 2005 than in any other five-year period since the Great Society."What a disaster!

But the pessimism luring between the lines of the book is borne out by demographics.Whites in the West may lean libertarian, but not the immigrants who definitely list to the Democratic party. If only Sager could be joined by Mark Steyn (America Alone) and Lawrence Auster (The Path to National Suicide) one would have encountered a book even more profitable.

Refusing to Take his Share of the Blame
I once thought of myself as a libertarian, until I actually starting trying to interact with them.This may sound harsh, but the only word I can use to describe the libertarian philosophy is, well, shallow and materialistic.Ryan Sager pretty much proves my point in this book.I agree with his general sentiment that we should avoid religious extremism within the party, but Sager takes it one step beyond that. He basically thinks that Republicans ought to be totally indifferent to ANY kind of questions about culture and religion.

This is why I can't quite embrace the libertarian ideology- they seem to have little concern with anything other than money and self- gratification.

One way this was brought home to me was withcase of a senator in my home state of Louisiana: David Vitter. Whenit came to light that he'd been having affairs with prostitutes, I made the mistake of saying some less than flattering things about him in front of a self- described "libertarian Republican."

This person hada different reaction to Vitter's escapades. That is, anyone who expressed any kind of concern, AT ALL about Vitter paying for sex was aReligious nut job and was destroying the Republican party.

This person told me that he literally didn't give a damn about who Vitter slept with, as long as he "kept his handsoff mymoney."

This person hadn't bothered to think through the implications of what Vitter's actions meant for him and his fiscal priorities. It didn't cross their mind that a guy who lied to his wife and paid for sex (which is illegal) may be less than trust worthy.

My concern was that if he is willing to lie and break promises to his wife, (and values voters), then he can just as easily do the same thing to fiscal conservatives.

This isn't the argument of a religious nut-it's the argument of a person who thinks about more than his immediate, short- term self- interest. It's the kind of thinking that Ryan Sager and many other libertarians seem incapable of.

I don't consider myself a part of the "religious right" or even a "social conservative."But I often find myself defending them when people like Sager insist that they shoulder ALL of the blame for GOP'S losses.

They deserve some of the blame to be sure for things like the ridiculous Terry Schiavo debacle.

But Libertarian ideas have done more than their share of alienating the middle class.

Sager manages to miss another "elephant in the room" called "free-trade." Libertarians aggressively promote the kind of trade deals that handed Michigan, Pennsyvlvania and Ohio to the Democrats.

Millions of manufacturing Jobs have been lost to off shoring in those states,made possible by libertarian-inspired trade deals.

Open borders with Mexico is another staple of Libertarianism- and hugely unpopuplar with middle America and another reason we lost in '06.

Superb!
Before coming across this book, I had never heard of Ryan Sager.What a pleasant surprise when I began reading!I will definitely keep my eyes out for anything else published by him.

Mr. Sager has written -- excellently, by the way, and often with laugh-out-loud humor -- all the things that I'd been thinking (and often getting frustrated & angry about) politically for the last 6+ years.It was like reading my own nebulous thoughts and feelings on the hijacking of conservatism by big-government Evangelicals, only done in a much more articulate and well-researched way than my own ramblings could ever have managed.

His primary thesis is that the alliance between 'social conservatives' (those concerned primarily with 'values' issues rather than individual rights or small gov't, and who are often Southern & evangelical) with 'libertarian' or 'fiscal conservatives' (those focused more on small gov't and individual rights, more likely to be from the interior West), is in danger, primarily as a result of the Bush Administration and the 2000-06 Congresses, combined with historical changes.According to Sager, this alliance, first begun in the 1950s, first brought to national prominence in the Goldwater campaign ('64), and brought to electoral victory by Reagan in the '80s and Gingrich in the mid-90s, was a marriage of convenience.The two strands of 'conservatism,' which in fact seem contradictory when you think about it, allied first against communism (and the aftertaste of the New Deal), and then, in the '90s, against the Clinton administration.Now, however, without a foe both strands recognize (libertarian conservatives tend to be less hysterical about the Islamic threat than social conservatives), the marriage is on the rocks.

As a former registered Republican, turned off from the Party by the Bush Administration's and the Hastert/Lott/Frist Congresses' big spending (they made Clinton look like a fiscal conservative!), religious pandering, government enlargement(NCLB, Prescription Drug entitlements, anyone???) and Wilsonian interventionism (make the world safe for democracy!), I have now been a proudly registered Libertarian for several years.

It is here that I differ with Mr. Sager (and agree with several other reviews of this book) because I don't share the author's optimism that the alliance between libertarian and social conservatives can (or, even moreso, should) be fixed.Instead, I think the Republican party may well be on its last legs if it continues to pander to Southern Evangelicals at the expense of the rest of the party.Many people like myself don't like the fact that the two options in major parties today are a big government party that takes the Bible literally (GOP) and a big government party that doesn't (Dems).If these trends continue, I think we can expect more Democratic electoral victories.Whether the Libertarian Party or some other option will take the place of the GOP if it does indeed disintegrate(like the Whigs in the 1850s) remains to be seen......

Still, this book is excellent, very well-written, and I think vital to anyone who wants to understand what's going on in the Republican party & conservative movement today.I couldn't put it down and read it very quickly.This is the best book on current politics I've read in a while.

What about the Corporate CEOS?
Everything is accurate in the book and the commentaries on it except the fact that both the book and everybody here is overlooking >> there is a third and extremely powerful faction in the Republican Party that straddles both Libertarian and Big Government factions. And they are the faction in power.That is the Corporate CEO big money bigwigs who get far more of their agenda enacted than either the social conservatives or the libertarians.And they do it by having it both ways.Huge tax cuts aimed at them?Why that's 'libertarian', isn't it?Big subsidies such as the medicare drug plan, which shuts out any 'free market' competition while at the same time granting new entitlements forever?Why that's 'compassionate (social) conservatism'! Gigantic No-bid contracts for Halliburton, Bechtel, etc? That's Republicans 'Strong on defense'!No regulation for pollutors? No increase in mileage standards to free us from oil dependence on our enemies? Libertarian! Both libertarian and social conservatives are played for suckers by these guys, and they are the ones (literally) running the White House and controlling the actual Republican agenda.
The deep contradictions in the Republican 'coalition' have been there all along. It's corporate 'big government socialism for the corporations and the rich, capitalism for the poor and middle class' Privatize social security to pump billions of taxpayer money to Wall Street con artists? Libertarian AND big government compassionate conservatism at the same time! Huge tax breaks for the world record breakingly profitable oil companies >> NONE of which is passed on to the consumer (about as likely to reduce oil dependence on our enemies as tax breaks for alcohol production would end alcoholism) ? Strong on defense! That's been the real 'social engineering' that's been going on in the last 10 years. A giant Amazon river of public money for these guys, and a $500 tax 'break for the rest of us". A piece of red meat thrown to one side or another has kept this unholy alliance alive as improbably long as it has. The dustbin of history is sweeping the whole mess away, since the American people more and more realize whose agenda is REALLY being brought to life by the monied elite that actually runs the party.

Illuminating
Wow, it's so clear to me now!An unpopular war wasn't the half of how the Republican leadership self-destructed.

This book presents a stunningly eloquent exposition of the current state of the Republican Party, from the perspective of 'before the fall'.Essential information for voters on the motivating ideas of US federal leadership.This book will make the Republican half of the story strikingly clear.

The writing is entertaining and an 'easy read' while covering what could be a dry subject.The book is of modest length but impressive depth.It reads like a conversation with a master of the subject conveying a rich scope in a terse 250 pages.

I can understand Kristen's review below but it hardly seems fair to criticize a book for doing what it promises, explaining the battle for control, so well that the reader wishes there was an easy answer.Sager could have given us one, as we are so accustomed to hearing from political candidates.I'm glad he did not.It would have encouraged readers to consider the `problem solved' and slip back into our daily complacency.Having seen and understood the Republican dilemma I feel motivated to address it and armed with the clarity to push through pat answers for real actions.

Now where's the book that will explain the Democrat malaise, including why their leadership seems to hate the central values of the American Experiment?
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Product Description
A leader of the new generation ofprogressive evangelicals reclaims her faith from partisan politics, in this book in the acclaimed"Does Not Equal" series.

"To let the religious right defineevangelical...wipes out the memory of realpeople who lived and fought for just causes andjust social policies because of their faith....I refuse to let the religious right confiscate myheritage."—from Evangelical Does NotEqual Republican...Or Democrat

A new breed of evangelicals, with a fiery passion for economic justice, racialreconciliation, and care for the environment,has abandoned the religious right.

Lisa Sharon Harper, a rising star in this movement, describes the roots of this politicalshift, the agents of change driving it, and, ininterviews with leaders across the politicalspectrum, the extent of the evangelicalrejection of the right-wing political agenda. In Evangelical Does Not Equal Republican...OrDemocrat, Harper lays out a manifesto forthe new progressive evangelical movement,drawing inspiration from the biblical conceptsof shalom and the kingdom of God, as well asfrom historical predecessors such as WilliamWilberforce, Sojourner Truth, and JohnPerkins.

Harper offers a powerful indictment of the religious right, of its role in hijacking evangelical passion and dividingChristians against each other, and—in an agendathat is racist and sexist to the core—of itsabandonment of the gospel. She shows howevangelicals, in disengaging from partisanpolitics, can reclaim their roots and become anew moral voice for the nation.

Customer Reviews (5)

A journey of spiritual discovery
Lisa Harper takes us on her own personal journey towards a more enlightened view of Christianity.Along the way she provides us with an education about how Christianity came to mean different things to different people.Her book puts Jesus back into Christianity.

A very important book
This is an important book. It is required reading for anyone who wants to understand the changing face of evangelicalism in American politics today.

Despite being black, Harper started off in a white evangelical church that took for granted that Christians are Republican.Later, as she became increasingly interested in issues of race and social justice, and became influenced by John Perkins, Ron Sider, Jim Wallis, Tony Campolo, and Tom Skinner, she "crossed the divide" and became a Democrat, while retaining her evangelical identity.

The book could also have been titled "Evangelicalism and Race in America."Harper scathingly indicts the evangelical church's record on racial reconciliation.She quotes Paul Weyrich, an activist for the Religious Right: "What got us going as a political movement was [not Roe v. Wade but] the attempt on the part of the IRS to rescind the tax-exempt status of Bob Jones University because of its racially discriminatory policies."She quotes Bill McCartney, founder of the Promise Keepers movement: "Of the conference participants who had a complaint, nearly 40 percent reacted negatively to the [racial] reconciliation theme. I personally believe it was a major factor in the significant falloff in PK's 1997 attendance---it is simply a hard teaching for many."

Harper is not the first to condemn evangelicals for their blindness on issues of race and social justice, but what makes her book important is that in Harper, a new generation of evangelicals has found its voice.Blogging sites such as GodsPolitics.com and FaithfulDemocrats.com received a massive boost from the Obama campaign.This group of evangelicals is sure to have a profound impact in the years to come.

The book is not without weaknesses.For someone who calls herself "evangelical," she diverges surprisingly far from the basic methodology of evangelical thought, namely the derivation of theology from the grammatico-historical exegesis of the Bible.Instead she relies heavily on catchy concepts like "cultural toolkits" and Perkins's "three R's" (reconciliation, relocation, redistribution).I wonder what Harper would say if you were to accuse her of being blind on the gay rights issue, insisting that she ought to immerse herself in the gay community, in order to add some tools to her cultural toolkit.And what if you went on to press her about gay marriages, insisting that civil unions do not go far enough, just as racial reconciliation does not go far enough if not accompanied by Perkins's two other R's?I suspect that Harper would *not* respond by first turning to the Bible.If so, then evangelicals should certainly be concerned---even those who support gay rights.What kind of "evangelicalism" are we left with, if the instinct of turning to the Bible first is lost?Harper seems dangerously close to falling into the trap of subordinating theological truth to political agenda, the very trap that she claims to be warning us against.

Nevertheless, I repeat that this is an important book.Evangelicals who choose to ignore Harper, instead of engaging her in sustained dialogue on the issues raised in her book, do so at their own peril.

This Book is in the Prophetic Tradition of the Black Church!
This work is timely and in the prophetic tradition of the Black Church. Lisa Sharon Harper dispels myths about Evangelical politics and calls the church back to its true focus. By examining Christian movements from abolition to civil rights to the Promise Keepers Harper exposes the triumphs and mistakes of Evangelical politics. There is a movement among Evangelicals to focus on ending poverty and this work is a must read to understand this movement, especially in light of our historic election where both Obama and Palin have ties to Evangelical Christianity.

A Must Read for those into politics and religion
How and when and should politics and religion cross?This author has blended together her own historic quest for justice with evangelical history and theology.She becomes quite specific with the issue of racial reconcilation and women's issues,which alone are worth the cost of the book.Her words often are harsh...but always grounded in truth, even when some in the church may not be ready to hear it.Almost seventy top leaders of the evangelical church are interviewed.The author's informed and often prophetic voice with the seventy's most current wisdom share hope for where the Church is heading...

Spectacular read!
I highly recommend this book to anyone even slightly interested in the intersection of faith and politics in America today.This very well written piece of non-fiction faithfully examines American Evangelical worldviews through the lenses of race, socio-economic experience, and historical understanding in an honest and accessible way.Harper's analysis of the development of the Religious Right, the gap between black and white evangelical worldviews, and the use of Biblical and prophetic language to illicit varying political reactions is exceedingly relevant in this unique election year in which religion has again come to the forefront of the public debate.

Anyone who seeks to understand how we got here, how things are changing, and where we're going should definitely read this book. ... Read more

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An original and timely examination of women's long history of participating in partisan politics, Women and the Republican Party, 1854-1924 explores the forces that propelled women to partisan activism in an era of widespread disfranchisement and provides a new perspective on how women fashioned their political strategies and identities before and after 1920.

Melanie Susan Gustafson examines women's partisan history as part of the larger history of women's political culture. Contesting the accepted notion that women were uninvolved in political parties before they formally got the vote, Gustafson reveals the length and depth of women's partisan activism between the founding of the Republican party, whose abolitionist agenda captured the loyalty of many women, and the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment.

Women and the Republican Party, 1854-1924 presents the complex interplay of partisan and nonpartisan activity, the fierce debates among women about the best way to make their influence felt, and the ebb and flow of enthusiasm for women's participation within the Republican party. Gustafson documents the emergence of third parties--in particular the Progressive party, which split off from the Republican party in 1912--that fused the civic world of reform organizations with the electoral world of voting and legislation. She also profiles the leading women Republicans and activists, both familiar (Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Jane Addams, Mary Church Terrell) and less well known (Anna Dickinson, Victoria Woodhull, Judith Ellen Foster, Mary Ann Shadd Cary). ... Read more

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Chapters: Democratic Party of Oregon Chairs, Oregon Republican Party Chairs, Charles L. Mcnary, Thomas H. Tongue, Kevin Mannix, Edward Fadeley, Elmo Smith, La Fayette Grover, Bert E. Haney, I. L. Patterson, Claude C. Mccolloch, Alfred E. Reames. Source: Wikipedia. Pages: 50. Not illustrated. Free updates online. Purchase includes a free trial membership in the publisher's book club where you can select from more than a million books without charge. Excerpt: Charles Linza McNary (June 12, 1874 February 25, 1944) was a United States Republican politician from Oregon. He served in the Senate from 1917 to 1944, and was Senate Minority Leader from 1933 to 1944. In the Senate, McNary helped to pass legislation that led to the construction of Bonneville Dam on the Columbia River, and worked on agricultural and forestry issues. He also supported many of the New Deal programs at the beginning of the Great Depression. Until Mark O. Hatfield surpassed his mark in 1993, he was Oregons longest serving senator. McNary was the Republican vice presidential candidate in 1940, on the ticket with presidential candidate Wendell Willkie. They lost to the Democratic ticket, composed of Franklin D. Roosevelt, who was running for his third term as president, paired with Henry A. Wallace. McNary was a justice of the Oregon Supreme Court from 1913 to 1915 and was dean of Willamette University College of Law, in his hometown of Salem, from 1908 to 1913. Before that, he was a deputy district attorney under his brother John Hugh McNary, who later became a federal judge for the District of Oregon. McNary died in office after unsuccessful surgery on a brain tumor. Oregon held a state funeral for him, during which his body lay in state at the Oregon State Capitol in Salem. McNary Dam, McNary Field, and McNary High School in Oregon are named in his honor. McNary was born on his maternal grandfather's family farm north of Salem on June 12, 1874. He was the n...More: http://booksllc.net/?id=981241 ... Read more

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Since its publication twenty-five years ago, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men has been recognized as a classic, an indispensable contribution to our understanding of the causes of the American Civil War.A key work in establishing political ideology as a major concern of modern American historians, it remains the only full-scale evaluation of the ideas of the early Republican party.Now with a new introduction, Eric Foner puts his argument into the context of contemporary scholarship, reassessing the concept of free labor in the light of the last twenty-five years of writing on such issues as work, gender, economic change, and political thought.

A significant reevaluation of the causes of the Civil War, Foner's study looks beyond the North's opposition to slavery and its emphasis upon preserving the Union to determine the broader grounds of its willingness to undertake a war against the South in 1861.Its search is for those social concepts the North accepted as vital to its way of life, finding these concepts most clearly expressed in the ideology of the growing Republican party in the decade before the war's start. Through a careful analysis of the attitudes of leading factions in the party's formation (northern Whigs, former Democrats, and political abolitionists) Foner is able to show what each contributed to Republican ideology.He also shows how northern ideas of human rights--in particular a man's right to work where and how he wanted, and to accumulate property in his own name--and the goals of American society were implicit in that ideology.This was the ideology that permeated the North in the period directly before the Civil War, led to the election of Abraham Lincoln, and led, almost immediately, to the Civil War itself. At the heart of the controversy over the extension of slavery, he argues, is the issue of whether the northern or southern form of society would take root in the West, whose development would determine determine the nation's destiny.

In his new introductory essay, Foner presents a greatly altered view of the subject.Only entrepreneurs and farmers were actually "free men" in the sense used in the ideology of the period.Actually, by the time the Civil War was initiated, half the workers in the North were wage-earners, not independent workers.And this did not account for women and blacks, who had little freedom in choosing what work they did.He goes onto show that even after the Civil War these guarantees for "free soil, free labor, free men" did not really apply for most Americans, and especially not for blacks.

Demonstrating the profoundly successful fusion of value and interest within Republican ideology prior to the Civil War, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men remains a classic of modern American historical writing.Eloquent and influential, it shows how this ideology provided the moral consensus which allowed the North, for the first time in history, to mobilize an entire society in modern warfare. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (13)

Was recieved
I recieved the book in a timely manner, it was in the condition that was stated by the seller.

A Masterpiece
This book, along with Foner's Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, provides extremely valuable insights into a crucial turning point in American history, which still resonates today. Both are masterpieces of synthesis and interpretation. Both are scholarly and detailed, yet convey a feeling of excitement at the events described. Both enable the reader to relive the tensions, aspirations, thoughts, and struggles of the times they describe. The 1995 reissue of Free Soil begins with an important essay by Foner, which he wrote for it.
Foner was a Marxist-Leninist when he wrote both books. But he never allowed his Marxism to vitiate his historical analysis. On the contrary, he constantly emphasized that the motives that propelled the participants were ideas and ideals, not economic interest or social class (e.g., pages 4-5, 104-5, 110, 113, 168-76, 183-4, 304)

Graduate Student Review
The issues with slavery in America reached all the way back to the birth of the nation.The Founding Fathers agreed to a compromise on slavery when the Constitution was written.Basically nothing was done about the institution except to leave it to later generations to deal with.Mr. Foner explains some of the attitudes and actions taken by the northern Republicans in the twenty years prior to the U.S. Civil War.

The party of the South became the Democrats, once known as the Jacksonian Democrats, and the Whigs in the North were replaced by the conservative Republicans.In the North a person could improve his social standing with hard work. The Republicans major belief was in the idea of free labor.The belief in free labor was contrary to the society in the South.Slaves and poor whites were for the most part unable to advance socially and economically.Foner quoted the New York Times of the day as printing:"Our Paupers today, thanks to free labor, are our yeoman and merchants of tomorrow. (p.16)Basically the Republicans believed if a man applied himself and worked very hard he could improve both his financial and social condition.

The Republicans believed that the slaves in the South were lazy and ignorant and would never better themselves.They also thought that the poor whites despised the slaves and considered any work that a slave did as beneath them and disgraceful.This promoted laziness and helped to keep the poor whites of the South from advancing. The Republicans thought that the institution of slavery was not only oppressing the slaves but the southern economy as well.In 1858 Aaron Cragin, a New Hampshire Congressman observed after hearing southern speech, "this language of feudalism and aristocracy has a strange sound to me." (p.71)The North was considered a bourgeois culture whereas the South was considered an aristocracy. (p.71)

Chapter three is written about Salmon P. Chase.Foner credits Chase with creating the anti-slavery argument in the political arena.Chase stated that slavery was sectional and freedom national. (p. 102) What Chase meant by that statement is that slavery was a state problem and not something that Congress could establish. (p.102). Foner discussed the belief of Chase in the concept of Slave Power.This is where the southern slave owners controlled the government and the South in general.

Foner discusses the Radical Republicans explaining how they would accept no compromise on slavery and were willing to take the nation to civil war to end the hated institution.The radicals wanted the states to end slavery not Congress.Foner spends several chapters describing the different factions within the newly created Republican Party.The conservatives in the Republican Party wanted to preserve the union and were willing to make concessions to the South if necessary.The moderates of the party were the ones that had the two goals, free soil and the Union.They also were against the expansion of slavery into new states. (p. 219) The Republican Party gathered all those against slavery and those who were for free labor and an upwardly mobile population that worked hard to improve their lot in life.

Mr. Foner's book, Free Soil, was written nearly forty years ago but it is still worthwhile for a student of history wanting to learn about the political process prior to the U.S. Civil War.The book is very well researched and has footnotes throughout so that the reader can see what sources were used for the book.It is an excellent book and should be used in all courses that study the U.S. Civil War and the twenty years prior to it.

Excellent background
This book is an excellent background study for anyone interested in the origins of the Republican Party in the 1850's before it became the Party of Jefferson Davis and Southern social conservatives in the 1970's and 1980's.

Oldie but Goodie
The roots of the Civil War reach back to the birth of the nation. The Founders agreed to disagree on the issue of slavery in order to form a `more perfect Union.' By the 1860s the nation was at war with itself. Why did the South secede, and why did the North take up arms to prevent its secession? (316) In Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party Before the Civil War, the first of Eric Foner's many influential books, he examines the two decades running up to the 1860 presidential election by taking a close look at the ideology of the Republican Party. In a time of rancorous sectional division, during which the Democratic Party was sundered north and south, with each section nominating its own presidential candidate, the Republicans drew anti-slavery Whigs and Democrats together under one banner. The party members shared a resentment of Southern political power, a devotion to the Union, moral revulsion to the peculiar institution, and a commitment to the northern social order and its development and expansion. (310-314)

During the 1850s, respected historians agree, that the government of President Buchanan was under the complete control of the South which threatened the essence of the Republican view of democracy--which was majority rule. (100) "The domination of both the South and the federal government by the Slave Power violated this basic democratic belief." (101) Repeated attempts by the southern Slave Power to establish slavery in the western territories brought the sectional conflict to a crisis. The North and South represented two incompatible social systems, and expansion of the decadent South, as Seward warned, might lead to "entirely a slave-holding nation."

Several critical chapters of Foner's book delineate the radical, conservative and moderate elements within the newly-formed Republican party, and include the northern Democratic-Republicans who were alienated by the slaveocracy which by then controlled their party. The former Democrats found their party no longer a "champion of popular rights." (177) The radicals battle cry was, "Liberty and Union." This small but powerful minority was influential within the party, and brooked no compromise with the South, believing that the Founders intended that slavery would eventually cease to exist in the nation. (139-144) The conservatives wanted to preserve the Union at any cost, and were willing to make concessions to the South in order to do so. It was the moderates, including Lincoln, who "refused to abandon either of their twin goals--free soil and the Union," and drew the line at expansion of slavery into the new states. (219) It was not the moral imperative of the abolitionists which drew together the radicals and conservatives, the Whigs and Democrats, and the former Liberty, Free Soil and Know-Nothings. It was the political anti-slavery, Free Labor ideology which "blended personal and sectional interest with morality so perfectly that it became the most potent political force in the nation." (309)

Foner is the DeWitt Clinton Professor of History at Columbia University whose interest in the antebellum period started in college in the 1960s. Foner has authored more than a dozen books on American political history and race relations, including his latest Forever Free: The Story of Emancipation and Reconstruction; published in 2005. Free Soil began as his doctoral dissertation under Pulitzer prizewinner, Richard Hofstadter. This scholar's scholar assumes a substantial familiarity with 19th century American history, leaving the reader to fill in the essential details of the various acts, provisos, compromises and constitutions; likewise, biographical material on important players in the antebellum milieu, like Stephen A. Douglas and William H. Seward, is also given short shrift. An introductory essay written on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the publication of Free Soil calls on recent historiography to explore the concept of "free labor" in the 19th century, a time when half of Northern Americans were wage-earners.

Free Soil is now nearly forty years old, yet remains a worthwhile read for anyone with a more than superficial interest in the Civil War and its causes. The reader comes away with a greater understanding of the role of the Republican Party in shaping the anti-slavery movement during the antebellum period.
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If Jesus were alive today, would he:

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Gay Republicans?
Yes, gay Republicans -- not only do they exist, but they are proactive in both party and national politics, and as this book explains, they are intent on changing the status quo.

In Party Crasher: A Gay Republican Challenges Politics as Usual, Richard Tafel, head of the Log Cabin Republicans, issues a challenge to some of America's most sacred political institutions with an insightful analysis of the past, present, and future of gay politics in this country. Using personal anecdotes as well as the stories of other gay and lesbian Republicans, Rich Tafel succeeds in humanizing the struggle he and others have undertaken in their effort to have their party deal fairly with gays and gay issues, as well as their campaign to make gays aware of the benefits that can accrue from having political alliances with others besides traditional left-leaning Democrats.

At first glance, this gay Republican's story may seem a quixotic quest, but by book's end the reader is reminded of the power an individual can wield. In a political system in which apathy and cynicism reign, Tafel's maverick style is refreshing; in a culture filled with people in need of being liked, Tafel offers the alternative belief that being respected is more important than being liked. And through his stories it becomes clear that even his most ardent opponents on the left and on the right have to harbor a grudging respect for the integrity and depth of his beliefs.

The book is laid out in three sections: "Life," "Liberty," and "The Pursuit of Happiness." In the part entitled "Life," Tafel shows that gay political ideologies are a product of the rejection gays experience. The next section, "Liberty," shows how those ideologies play themselves out in the course of day-to-day American politics, and Tafel warns of the dangers gays face in being taken for granted by the Democratic Party while being written off by the Republicans. In the course of this discussion, he chronicles the process by which the Democratic Party became the overwhelming party of choice for gays, and he challenges the treatment of gays by the Democrats as a triumph of empathy over substance, while at the same time blasting the Republicans for pandering to the zealots of the far right.

In "The Pursuit of Happiness," Tafel argues that political strategies alone aren't enough to advance the cause of gay rights -- spiritual values and morals, he says, must be at the heart of the gay strategy. Here he challenges both those within the gay community who reject moral language and spirituality and those in organized religion -- particularly those in his own Christian faith -- who view sexuality simply as a matter of choice, and a choice to be condemned if it is not the straight and narrow.

By the book's conclusion, Rich Tafel has crashed any number of parties: the Republican establishment, the Democratic establishment, the gay establishment, and the religious establishment. What is unique in his criticism of his community, his church, and his political party is the underlying desire he has for all parties to live up to the "better angels."

More than a book about gay politics or Republican politics, Party Crasher is a reminder that a few committed people, basing their actions in integrity, can still make a difference in the jaded world that American politics has become. Certainly that is a message that Americans need to hear.Amazon.com Review
As the executive director of the Log Cabin Republicans, a political action committee for gay conservatives, Richard Tafel is used to criticism and scorn. "I've been demonized and been called names by those on the right who have never taken the opportunity to get to know me," he says. "And I've been caricatured and demonized by those on the gay left who also would rather despise what they think I am than find out who I really am." Party Crasher reveals a fascinating individual, an ordained minister (mentored by Harvard Divinity's Peter Gomes) comfortable debating scripture with fundamentalists and a political activist unwilling to accept the common wisdom that gays and lesbians should give their allegiance to the Democratic party. While always friendly towards queer campaign contributions, Tafel notes, the Dems have failed to follow through on many of their promises. Far from allowing gays and lesbians to serve openly in the military, he reports, the Clinton administration has been responsible for expelling more homosexuals from the armed forces than any other in American history. And then there was Clinton's trumpeting to the religious right of his approval of the Defense of Marriage Act, which refused federal recognition for same-sex unions. Tafel rejects the identity politics that lead to such unproductive alliances, favoring instead an emphasis on individual rights and responsibility in which political commitment is based on a desire to personally do the right thing rather than be "accepted" or "loved." "If you want to be embraced," he warns, "get a boyfriend or a dog. But don't get involved in politics because you need a hug; you'll just get hurt."

Party Crasher is filled with anecdotes of Tafel's encounters with people at all sorts of points on the political spectrum, such as the time that the radical group Queer Nation invited him to a college campus to criticize homophobic activities by members of the college's Young Republican chapter, or his perspective on the controversy surrounding the 1996 Dole presidential campaign's rejection of a Log Cabin contribution. And there are several profiles of other gay Republicans (heavily skewed towards men, it's true, but as Tafel says, openly Republican lesbians are even more rare than their gay male counterparts). There's something in this book to upset just about everyone's preconceptions, but what comes through most is Richard Tafel's passion and commitment for social justice and genuine acceptance of everybody's differences. --Ron Hogan ... Read more

Customer Reviews (25)

Somebody more clueless than Bush
I was always amused by Mr. Tafel and the Log Cabin Republicans. Although I am a heterosexual, I had always wondered why these people would give so much time, energy, and money to a political party who would (because of the growing southern conservative base) rather see them burnt at the stake than equal partners.

To this extent, I originally had believed that LCR's were simply confused individuals who came out of the closet, but secretly longed for the 'mainstream recognition' brought by virtual gay bashers. Because our society is so filled with hate and fear of 'difference' this strategy could actually represent a level of comfort to some people in a time when GLBT people (although not without ongoing challenges) have an easier social and political existence than enjoyed by previous generations. Apparently, I was wrong.

Tafel does want equality, but only for gays and lesbians who fit a 'cookie cutter' mold of respectability. Anybody pointing out the world (and public policy) does not operate in that manner becomes castigated. Meanwhile, like heterosexual bigots---Tafel and company's `respectability' serves more to judge and condemn 'other' people than convincingly build their own argument.

Unlike homophobes, Tafel...etc then actually has the nerve to wonder why the community cannot take him seriously. He actually does not realize that you cannot proscribe such sexuality and then expect everybody (especially those people falling outside of your stated ideals) to be enthusiastic about your organization and/or yourself.

At least the Jerry Falwells of the world admit their rhetoric burns bridges with the community.

Because the book is about how great TAFEL's own views are (and conveniently glosses over contradictions) it is not for the serious researcher. This title is something which you would read in the library or pick up at the used bookstore.

Disenchanted Democrats should read this book!
Rich Tafel answered many of my questions as I struggled to figure out why I was still committed to the Democratic party. Tafel makes clear and cogent points about the differences between the Democratic and Republican parties and comes out on top every time. He gives evidence to the contrary that gay Republican is an oxymoron. This is a must read for anyone who cares about the political future of gays and especially for those who see morals and values not as buzz words used by the Right but a way of life that should not be anathema to the gay community.

Gay?Republican?
A dilusional view of a person who thinks that, by sucking up to Republicans, he will eventually attain the quality he deserves.

Having said that (I've always wanted to say that about Tafel), it is a very good book.It's thought-provoking and a good read...even if you happen to 100%, totally, positively, without question disagree with every single solitary word in the book.

Get it, read it, make up your own mind...

Eye Opener
I, a 22 year old gay man (Democrat) who future hopfuly will be in gay politic, I LOVE THIS BOOK! It has given me insights, and expanded my mine on issue dealing with America Today. I'll have to admit after readingthis.. this March I'll be voting republican.

poorly written nonsense
So much of this silly book is laugh out loud funny.It looks like a real book, but in reality it's part Jimmy Swaggart, part Teletubbies.I was at the gay parade in Los Angeles and the crowd booed the Log Cabin float. Atthe time, I thought that was wrong.No longer.If this bewigged,misguided, and not very bright toadie is running things, I'm terrified. ... Read more

Product Description
During the late nineteenth century, Republicans struggled to reinvent America in the wake of civil war--and were consumed by the question of how the South should fit within the reconstituted Union. But the unity that Republicans had shown during the war was far from evident in facing this new challenge.

Conceiving a New Republic examines the Republicans' ideological struggle, focusing on how party thought--particularly concerning the concept of republicanism--determined the contours of that effort and was in turn shaped by it. In relating how Republicans strove to fashion a new democratic polity in the face of fierce southern opposition, Charles Calhoun focuses on what they thought about their actions, particularly their beliefs about the meaning and nature of the American Republic.

Calhoun revolutionizes our understanding of this era by showing that although it eventually failed in its lofty purpose, the party set out to reconstruct a nation that would abide by the promises of the Declaration of Independence. While earlier scholars have blamed Republicans for not being more steadfast advocates for blacks, Calhoun shows that southern Democrats so strongly resisted the breakdown of white supremacy that Republicans ultimately could not prevail. He assesses their actions in the election of 1876 and the ensuing electoral crisis less as an abandonment of black rights than as an effort to salvage as much of the republican experiment as possible. He also examines their struggle to revive the experiment with the Lodge Federal Elections bill of 1890--the last serious attempt at civil rights legislation until the 1950s.

Offering new insights into Presidents Grant, Hayes, Harrison, and McKinley, Calhoun shows that even before the latter's administration had begun, a confluence of forces had conspired to defeat the Republicans' attempt to create a new Republic. He spells out the reasons why Republicans, defeated by southern and Democratic intransigence, ultimately abandoned the effort to remake the Republic and found ways to accommodate themselves intellectually and morally to the failure of their earlier ideals.

In showing how Republican leaders envisioned nothing less than an essential reordering of the Republic, Conceiving a New Republic offers a bold reinterpretation of the Gilded Age that reflects a deep understanding of the period and its issues.

This book is part of the American Political Thought series. ... Read more

Product Description

The period from 1850 to 1876 was the most transformative era in American history. During the course of this tumultuous quarter century Americans fought a bloody civil war, tried to settle the issue of state versus central government power, recognized the dominance of the new industrial economy over the older agricultural one, and ended slavery, long the shame of the nation. At the same time, a major political realignment occurred with the collapse of the "second American party system" and the emergence of a new party, the Republicans.

But the defeat of slavery—the chief catalyst for the birth of the Republican party—was at best a limited success. The Constitution had been rewritten to abolish slavery and guarantee equal protection under the law, but social equality for African Americans and expanding freedom for others remained elusive throughout the nation. For these triumphs and enduring tragedy, the Republican party, which became in time and memory the party of Abraham Lincoln, bore primary responsibility.

This collection of six original essays by some of America's most distinguished historians of the Civil War era examines the origins and evolution of the Republican party over the course of its first generation. The essays consider the party in terms of its identity, interests, ideology, images, and individuals, always with an eye to the ways the Republican party influenced midnineteenth-century concerns over national character, political power, race, and civil rights.

The authors collectively extend their inquiries from the 1850s through the 1870s to understand the processes whereby the second American party system broke down, a new party and politics emerged, the Civil War came, and a new political and social order developed. They especially consider how ideas about freedom in the 1850s coalesced during war and Reconstruction to produce both an expanded call for political and civil rights for the ex-slaves and a concern over expanded federal involvement in the protection of those rights. By observing the transformation of a sectional party born in the 1850s into the "Grand Old Party" by the 1870s, the authors demonstrate that no modern political party, even the one that claims descent from Lincoln, has surpassed the accomplishments of the first generation of Republicans.

Contributors—
Jean H. Baker, Professor of History at Goucher College, Maryland, is author of Mary Todd Lincoln: A Biography.

Eric Foner, DeWitt Clinton Professor of History at Columbia University, is author of Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, winner of the Bancroft Prize.

Michael F. Holt, Langbourne M. Williams Professor of American History at the University of Virginia, is author of The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian Politics and the Onset of the Civil War.

James M. McPherson, Professor of History at Princeton University, is author of Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era, winner of the Pulitzer Prize in history.

Mark E. Neely, Jr., McCabe-Greer Professor in the American Civil War Era at Pennsylvania State University, is author of The Fate of Liberty: Abraham Lincoln and Civil Liberties, winner of the Pulitzer Prize in history.

Phillip Shaw Paludan, Naomi Lynn Professor of Lincoln Studies at the University of Illinois at Springfield, is author of The Presidency of Abraham Lincoln, winner of the Lincoln Prize.

Brooks D. Simpson, Professor of History at Arizona State University, is author of Ulysses S. Grant: Triumph over Adversity, 1822-1865.

Published in cooperation with The Library Company of Philadelphia.

Product Description
A true story .The election of1964 in Texas for President, U.S. Senator and Governor as seen through the eyesof the Republican Candidate for Governor. The traumatic effect on theoutcome of that election by the assassination of President Kennedy and thewounding of Governor Connally in Dallas on November22,1963, and the involvement of the Republican Candidate in helping the policein the interrogation of Marina Oswald-the widow of the accused assassin, LeeHarvey Oswald. The recruitmentof the Republican Candidate for Governor-a successful engineer and oil and gasexecutive, and how he organized his backers for the campaign. His study ofthe issues and the formation of a platform. The campaigntrail through the primaries, the State Convention and the Republican Conventionin San Francisco. The split in the Republican partyin San Francisco between the backers of Barry Goldwater and the backers ofNelson Rockefeller and the attempt by Governor Scranton of Pennsylvania to healthat split by hosting a meeting at his mansion attended by Eisenhower, Nixonand the Republican Candidates for Governor. The facts discovered by thecandidate which showed how Lyndon Johnson used bogus votes to become a u. S. Senator in theelection of 1948. The emergence and charisma of George H.W.Bush that that was the start of a political career that led to the Presidency.The electionitself with comments on the campaigns of George H.W. Bush for the Senate andBarry Goldwater for President. Thesatisfaction of having been a part of making Texas a twoparty state. ... Read more

Product Description
Scandals. Lies. A breathtaking disregard for federal laws. How on earth do the Republicans keep winning? Easy: They’ve got a Playbook

After the 2004 presidential debates, eagle-eyed observers hypothesized about the rectangular bulge tucked inside George W.’s suit jacket, visible in images shown around the world. Was it a radio receiver, allowing Karl Rove to feed the president complete sentences he’d never form on his own? Perhaps it was a remote-control device that enabled Dick Cheney to operate W. like a robot. Nah. The real explanation was much simpler, and yet far more disturbing: It was The Republican Playbook.

Required reading for every Republican candidate, office-holder, or super-secret covert operative, The Republican Playbook contains all the schemes, scams, and dirty tricks used to attain victory since Richard Nixon commissioned the first edition back in 1972. Did you know:

-President Gerald Ford’s notorious clumsiness wasn’t caused by an inner-ear disorder -- the Playbook stashed in his left rear pants pocket threw off his equilibrium.-A chapter entitled "Deny Knowing Anything About Anything" was particularly helpful to President Ronald Reagan.

Packed with detailed instructions on essential topics like how to run a smear campaign, how to cover a leak, and how to plant one, plus diagrams for fully functioning voting booth/ballot shredders (to be used in Florida, Ohio, and other battleground states), The Republican Playbook is a must-read if we’re ever going to survive the 2006 elections. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (23)

You sent the wrong number of books.
You sent me two books instead of one.I returned the other one for a refund.You contend, I sent for 2 and refuse a refund. From now on I'm going to buy from my local bookstore!

Hunorous, but few belly laughs
If you're into politics, you'll enjoy this. If not, most of it will fly right by.

It's amusing but Al Franken is much funnier.

Reviewed by Jim Melcher
One of the most popular political humor books in recent memory was America (The Book) : A Citizen's Guide to Democratic Inaction, put out by Jon Stewart and others at Comedy Central's The Daily Show. America was a political parody disguised as a civics textbook. Now comes another political parody in disguise, this time as a Republican strategy manual called The Republican Playbook. The book passes itself off as a top-secret manual misplaced by President George W. Bush (complete with "his" doodlings and commentaries within) on how to win elections and political points.

The trick in a book like this is to be over the top enough to be funny, yet just realistic enough to make it look and feel like what is being parodied. America succeeded in this, and so does The Republican Playbook. No opportunity to pick on Republicans is missed, particularly ones from the current administration-but the book offers "forewords" to "previous editions" from other Republican presidents that are equally entertaining. However, the book is seldom so overtaken with anger at the current administration that it loses its sense of humor, and maintains just the hint of plausibility needed to make a book like this work. The book is organized into five "lessons"that concern current political issues such as Iraq. Within these lessons. among the more entertaining sections are "Official Republican Supreme Court Litmus Test","How To Drain All Spontaneity From Your Town Meetings", and "Dr. Frist's Long-Distance Diagnosis of Leading Democrats". As he does in the last of these three, Borowitz is able to take plenty of digs at the Democrats, too. The Republican Playbook is a fun, relatively quick read that is clearly targeted to liberals, but many conservatives should be able to see the humor in it, too. This is one of the more entertaining American political parodies of the past several years. I repeatedly laughed out loud reading it, and other fans of current American politics will, too.

clever funny but oh so true!
All fans of Andy Borowitz's daily online column will enjoy this compact and clever volume.Although the election has passed, and new one is lurking right around the corner and no doubt, the Republican playbook is being dusted off in anticipation.You owe it to yourself to read Andy's comments and also his daily online columns at the Borowitz Report!!

The Republican Playbook
One of the most hilaruous books I have red.It is very up to date and easy to read.The graphics and blue pen handwritten side notes are a real kick. ... Read more

Product Description
This is an EXACT reproduction of a book published before 1923. This IS NOT an OCR'd book with strange characters, introduced typographical errors, and jumbled words.This book may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. that were either part of the original artifact, or were introduced by the scanning process. We believe this work is culturally important, and despite the imperfections, have elected to bring it back into print as part of our continuing commitment to the preservation of printed works worldwide. We appreciate your understanding of the imperfections in the preservation process, and hope you enjoy this valuable book. ... Read more

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Customer Reviews (3)

What made Perot a real player in presidential politics?
Third parties have always interested me and I found that this book explained why and how they exist. It gave me a real understanding of what political circumstances will give rise to new party (what do we need to look out for!) I truly admired Ross Perot and this book explains his rise and fall objectively.They don't sugar-coat his candidacy, but they give it the respect it deserves.

One is too many
The authors announce that third parties may make a difference in a presidential election. One wonders if Abe Lincoln could have benefited from this remarkable insight.
Thousands of words arranged in leaden and nearly indecipherable poli-sci English (?) brings forth not even a mouse. If only George Orwell were still living--what fun he would have reviewing this "acadaspeak".
O well, profs must publish, or they might perish-or take a meaningful job of work.In the latter case, at least the trees would gain.

Three's a Crowd--Well worth the read
This is not only one of the most interesting books on the American political system that I've read over the years, but also one of the most accessible. Three's A Crowd is an exceptionally well-written and intellectual book that will appeal to academics, students, and the curious reader alike. Rapoport and Stone do an excellent job of developing their theory and supporting it with years of careful research. To anyone who has ever wondered why the American two-party system is the way that it is (and under what conditions that might be changed), I highly recommend this book. ... Read more

Product Description
Whichever political party you call your own, you'll laugh out loud and feel that your side comes out just a little bit better...

Examples:You know you're a Republican if...You wouldn't mind if the Commonwealth of Massachusetts seceded from the Union.You know you're a Democrat if...You wish the Republic of Texas had never become a state.

You know you're a Republican if...You think Colin Powell might make a good President, if he weren't black.You know you're a Democrat if...You think Colin Powell might make a good President, if he weren't conservative.

You know you're a Republican if...You can't stand your gay uncle, but you invite him to your son's wedding because he's rich.You know you're a Democrat if...You can't stand your rich uncle, but you invite him to your daughter's graduation party because he's gay. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (7)

Misses the point
More and more people identify with neither Democrat nor Republican, left nor right, blue nor red.More and more of us self-identify as moderates or independents or even "purple" depending on how the questions are asked.This is a funny book, but it might lead people to forget there are other alternatives politically -- like kicking them all out!

Guaranteed To Put A Smile On Your Face
I received this book as a gift this Christmas and let me say that is was one of the funniest I have received is some time.I tend to be what some might call a political junkie and this book takes a nice shot right at the overly partisan and greatly increased sense of importance me and my fellow political geeks have placed on the differences between the Dem's and the GOP.If you are strongly in the one of two camps and have a thin skin, then you will probably only like half of this book, but if you can sit back and laugh at the extreme view of the political masses today, then this book will put a smile on your face.

The format is a two sided take off of the funny "You know you are a red neck if.." series. If I have one criticism is that the book was just too short.Thirty minutes is about all you need to read the book and I finished thinking that the author could have done so much more.For example he stayed away from jokes on any particular political figures.Then again the books gives you just what it claims, light humor that is perfect for any politically focused friend or family member.Buy it and prepare to laugh.

Both Sides Take Well-Deserved Humorous Heat
When I picked up "You Know You're a Republican/Democrat If..." I expected a collection of off-color, just the usual "I hate Bush," or "Kerry's just a rich liberal" puns. I thought, given the title, the writer, like Jeff Foxworthy in his redneck series, just picked low-hanging fruit.

It is quite witty. Some jokes are reiterations of ones heard on Leno and Letterman, redone in the "You know you're a" style, but others are current, fresh and funny.

I tried to guess the writer's political leaning, but the jokes are well-balanced. He honestly pokes fun at whatever his side is, and thoroughly jabs the other. My hat is off to him for not revealing who will get his vote.

Ironically, left side of each spread is a Republican joke, and the right side is a Democrat joke.

Some of the jokes are based on simple stereotypes, like, "You know you're a Republican if... you think Florida election officials are fair and unbiased. You know you're a Democrat if you think 'fair Florida elections' is a contradiction in terms."

Other jokes show keen wit, and understanding of the deeper philosophical differences and inadequacies between each party and their adherents, like, "You know you're a Republican if you've thought about becoming a Libertarian, but have trouble with their philosophical support of prostitution, gay marriage, and uninhibited personal freedom. You know you're a Democrat if you've thought about becoming a Libertarian, but have trouble with their support of free trade." Another: "You know you're a Republican if you prove your racial sensitivity by saying 'gracias' to your gardener. You know you're a Democrat if you're strongly committed to racial equality even if you don't personally know anyone of a different race."

Two of my favorites is, "You know you're a Republican if you're afraid of the IRS. You know you're a Democrat if you're afraid of the FBI," and "You know you're a Republican if you support George W. Bush's plan to put a man on Mars. You know you're a Democrat if you want that man to be George W. Bush."

Maybe the gem in the whole book is "You know you're a Republican if you think Colin Powell might make a good President, if he wasn't black. You know you're a Democrat if you think Colin Powell might make a good President, if he wasn't conservative."

This is a book worth stocking in the bathroom, or for reading aloud on trips. Both sides take some heat, so no will be offended.

Anthony Trendl
editor, HungarianBookstore.com

Clever writing makes for humorous & unique book
It may not be "gut-buster" humor, but I found myself (and others) making punctuated outbursts of laughter, delight and recognition while reading through the book. It cleverly portrays the knee-jerk-stereotypes, which are so ingrained in the Republican / Democrat ideology, as to make each feel the other is getting roasted while one's own camp gets off relatively easy! If truth is in the eye of the beholder, this work shows each one of us as being oblivious to our own biases and the assumptions underlying them...which is pretty laughable!

Couldn't put it down until I was finished
Really loved this book.It was fun to look at the jabs taken at both Democrats and Republicans.. and to be honest, they both are very accurate.Democrat or Republican, you'll enjoy this book! ... Read more

Product Description
The Irish Socialist Republican Party (ISRP) was a party of seminal importance in the history of radical politics in modern Ireland. The party was the forerunner and ideological springhead for a political tradition that has had a significant impact on radical Irish politics ever since. The ISRP was the first experiment with that powerful, dynamic, yet sometimes very confused cocktail of traditional republican politics and socialist principles.

The party produced the first regular socialist paper in Ireland the Workers' Republic, ran candidates in local elections, represented Ireland at the Second International, agitated over issues such as the Boer War and the 1798 commemorations. Politically the ISRP was before its time, putting the call for an independent "Republic" at the center of its propaganda before Sinn Fein or others had done so.

This is the first full length study of this important organization. Using the primary sources available this study delves into the internal politics and personalities that brought life to the organization. The political significance of the organization led by James Connolly is also viewed in both the international and national sphere. The legacy of the ISRP was to have an impact on the left-wing and republican movements in Ireland for many decades following it's demise in 1904.
--davidlynchwriter.com ... Read more