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Sudan's modern history has been consumed by revolution and civil war. The country attracted international attention in the 1990s as a breeding ground of Islamist terrorism and recently tensions between the prosperous centre and the periphery, between north and south, have exploded in Darfur. In his latest book, Robert Collins, a frequent visitor and veteran scholar of the region, traces Sudan's history across two hundred years to show how many of the tragedies of today have been planted in its past. The story begins with the conquest of Muhammad 'Ali in 1821, and moves through the Anglo-Egyptian condominium to independence in 1956. It then focuses on Sudanese rule in the post-independence years when the fragile democracy established by the British collapsed under sectarian strife. It is these religious and ethnic divides, the author contends, in conjunction with failed leadership, which have prolonged and sustained the conflict in Sudan. ... Read more

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The Best
Prof. Collins has a lifetime of research and publication in and about the Sudan--a true expert.If you wish to know about the Sudan and read only one book,this is it!

I liked it. I recommend it for those who study Sudan and want to know about Sudan
This book explains the historical background of modern Sudan in a multifaced way. I found it a bit out of objectivity but in general I have made use of the vast information in it. In short, I recommend you to read. ... Read more

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This is a new edition of a comprehensive introductory history of the Sudan. Updated toinclude coverage of recent events including the disintegration of the country in the brutal civil war and the attempts to establish an Islamist state under a new military regime. It also describes the making of modern Sudan over the last 150 years and offers a clear, readable and succinct introduction to an area that is seldom out of the world's headlines For those interested in Islamic or African History. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (3)

interesting book
detailed book , the author being lived in the Sudan , gave his views , vision and analysis that reflected thr real life and facts .

WELL-WRITTEN GENERAL HISTORY OF THE SUDAN...
Noted scholar, P.M. Holt has written a fine history of this region touching on all of the salient points in the development of Islam and its' metamorphosis throughout the 19th century. In particular, he shows how the force of Islam directly affected the Western Powers in Egypt and Sudan from the mid 19th century to the end of that millennium. In my new book, JIHAD: The Mahdi Rebellion in the Sudan (2003) I break down these historical forces and try to show how Islamic Radicalism is not a new force but a historical and cyclical one. We are, in my opinion, in the radical phase of Islamic history. Fundamentalism has reared its' head in many other Moslem nations today in answer to perceived Western intrusion into the sovereign affairs of these countries. Then too, there is the matter of economics- that is- oil! Whereas, the 19th century witnessed the building and opening of the Suez Canal for the purpose of commerce, the 21st has become the "Age of Energy." The Old Imperialism of the 19th century has given rise to a New Imperialism based on the economics of fossil fuels- most of it lying in Moslem lands. Sudan became a threat to Britain's ambitions in the region in the late 19th century when Fundamentalism among its' people fueled a vast uprising in the 1880's. Professor Holt writes of the entire picture while I try to encapsulate only those factors that impact on the United States today in the War on Terror. I found the book, A HISTORY OF THE SUDAN: FROM THE COMING OF ISLAM TO THE PRESENT DAY a good read but felt that he could have focused more on the factors within Islam that impact the West and the U.S. today in term of stopping terrorism.

Dense with Information, But Difficult to Follow
Unless you already know a good deal about the history of the Sudan, this is probably not the book for you.While the text is less than 200 pages (not counting maps, bibliography, and index), the stunning number of names, organizations, and regions in it makes this a slow read, requiring the kind of careful attention one would use for a textbook.It is not a general history for the general reader.

But even with careful reading, this text can be confusing at times.I'm interested in the relationship between Libya and the Sudan through the Nimeiri era, and this book refers to that relationship several times.But it does so in a haphazard and seemingly contradictory way.On pages 168 and 169, Libya appears to support Nimeiri.But on page 172, Libya is cited as supporting the SPLA and, on page 174, the north African country supports a coup attempt against Nimeiri by a rival.No explanation is given for the change of policy.

I happen to know the reason for the change, but that is not the point.Any general history should be clear as to why the major actors in its drama have changed their positions.There are other instances of this kind of lack of clarity in the book. ... Read more

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Sad story well told
RC's dividend from his 5 years as Africa editor of 'The Economist' is an ambitious, challenging, well-structured and superbly written book about "what the hell went wrong with Sudan since independence". In 1956, its future looked promising, thanks to almost six decades of careful and intelligent institution building by a numerically small, but superbly-educated British caste of high-minded administrators. From Khartoum, and with minimal budgets, they made key decisions in transport (railways, river transport) and economic investment (e.g. the Gezira scheme), which at independence, had become clearly defined centres of activity, condemning the rest of Sudan to marginality, except for the population living along the Nile north of Khartoum, who overwhelmingly formed the local supervisory staff of these ventures.
Until 1956, the northern and southern halves of Sudan had long been kept apart and were ill-prepared to live with one another in the new, post-colonial era. War erupted in 1955 and continued until 1972. The (post-) colonial heritage has always been criticized and used as an excuse for a lot of the subsequent policy mistakes and mayhem, time and again, by Sudan's rulers and its Western-educated academics. They surely have a point, or some point.
RC has written a fast-paced book based on interviews with informants in the US, UK, Kenya and all over Sudan, and has relied on only a selection of the written sources available. He has avoided too much detail and refused to be drawn into academic disputes. Good recent accounts exist about the wars in Darfur and the South. This is the first book investigating Sudan's internal conflicts in its Southern, Western and Eastern regions at a time when the regime was (and perhaps still is) under suspicion of supporting worldwide terrorism.

In the general picture sketched by RC of the horrific events of the first years of the 21st century, the author apportions blame to every stakeholder and actor. A smell of roses is absent in this book. Some of RCs assessments are eye openers:
(1) How the evil, shifty and callous manipulator Hassan El Turabi connived to provide a refuge and training bases for terrorists, how he destroyed the education system, strangled the educated middle class, and bewitched the minds of numerous non-Arab people with promises of respect. Instead, they received bombs and bullets. Turabi did so, carefully, in non-executive roles and cannot be put on trial for the carnage and mayhem he caused.
(2) How little Sudan's policy makers in North and South learn from past mistakes, and,
(3) How the absolute determination to stay in power of three tribes accounting for 6% of the population, continues to shape Sudan's fate.

Writing in April 2010, RC is pessimistic. His account of the objectives of Western governments, US intelligence, UN bodies and NGOs providing life-saving humanitarian aid, shows deep gaps in terms of desired outcomes, which are happily, exultantly, in a back-slapping mode, exploited by the Sudan government and its very effective corps of diplomats. The "Save Darfur Coalition" is shown to have frustrated other US objectives and as having had no impact on the lives of 3 million IDPs.
Sadly, the semi-autonomous Southern region is shown by RC to be ruled by self-serving, ex-military incompetents from a narrow tribal base, who try to do things in the Khartoum manner, the only model they are aware of. In 2009, some 2.500 people were killed in tribal fights, more than in Darfur that year. And both the North and the South are re-arming heavily. Taxpayers worldwide will soon be paying for the humanitarian aid needed to provide succour to victims of the next prolonged bout of violence to defend two regimes with little legitimacy within one state.
What angers this reviewer is the plight and plain suffering of NGOs and their staff determined to provide help, clean up after the GOS strikes against its own citizens again and again. But, as RC argues, the concept of "humanitarianism" is also in need of revision. Too many ugly, vicious regimes are kept afloat thanks to NGOs providing key services.
RC has written a deep book, a rich, well-argued diagnosis of Sudan's endless problems. A rare lapse of judgement is his calling the SPLA a peasant army. WFP-army would be more appropriate. His polite form of speech always takes precedence over feelings of pure disgust and anger. Required reading for diplomats and persons organising their training, and for any other institution intent on making an impact in Sudan with funds or personnel.
... Read more

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This Short History of Sudan is a summarized necessary reference for everyone who would like to acquire well-basic knowledge about the largest country Africa’s in it is cultural, geographical, ethnical and religious structure and the political and economical situation in a easy understandable form. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

a little confusing
This book is relatively difficult to read. It appears to be written in another language and translated to English. Many of the sentences are confusing to follow. There are also a lot of grammatical errors which make the book difficult to read quickly and interupt its flow. Overall it is not very helpful for people who want a quick read and general overview of Sudan. ... Read more

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Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and medics who made colonialism work day-to-day. Even as these workers maintained the colonial state, they dreamed of displacing imperial power. This book examines the history of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1898-1956) and the Republic of Sudan that followed in order to understand how colonialism worked on the ground, affected local cultures, influenced the rise of nationalism, and shaped the postcolonial nation-state.

Relying on a rich cache of Sudanese Arabic literary sources, including poetry, essays, and memoirs, as well as on colonial documents and photographs, this perceptive study examines colonialism from the viewpoint of those who lived and worked in its midst. By integrating the case of Sudan with material on other countries, particularly India, Sharkey gives her book broad comparative appeal. She shows that colonial legacies--such as inflexible borders, atomized multi-ethnic populations, and autocratic governing structures--have persisted, hobbling postcolonial nation-states. Thus countries like Sudan are still living with colonialism, struggling to achieve consensus and stability within borders that a fallen empire has left behind. ... Read more

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Insightful and well argued
It's been a while since I read this book, but I remember it being insightful and well argued.Contributes to our understanding about conflicts in this region.

Powerful insights into an elites failure of imagination
An eye opening book. Details how the British ruled the colonial Sudan by helping create and educated, at the Gordon Memorial College (present day University of Khartoum), a technocratic class of lower level clerks and minor civil servants. This literate class collaborated with the Empire in ways that allowed a handful of British bureaucrats to rule the vast area of Sudan. But in many ways there was ambivalence and suspicion of each others motives, and feelings of frustrated ambition on the side of the Sudanese. The British used their own racial and imperial prejudices in selecting Arabic speaking groups and families to draw into this class and excluded Southerners and others they termed "detribalized blacks". In doing so they influencing the class's ideas of itself and their environment, and shaped their very narrow vision of the future post colonial nation. A national vision that proved to be as elitist, statist and unable toincorporate the reality of a diverse and complex Sudan. It is this central lack of vision that lies at the heart of the Sudan's failure to build an inclusive nation. It is a sad commentary that the same elite still sees itself as a conduit for propagating western civilization, in the form of such alien ideologies as "secularism", to an essentially savage nation.

As a product of this class I am amazed to realize just how narrow this class has remained. Again and again I recognized the actors in this book as being the grandparents of my colleges and friends. In the mid-eighties my educated parents convinced me to withdraw from an English university and return to matriculate at The University of Khartoum. It has been one of the most profound decisions I have ever made. ... Read more

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Atbara is a town that is the headquarters of the Sudan railways and the centre of what was, for 50 years, a militant labour movement. This text chronicles the struggles of the railway workers against the Sudanese colonial and post-colonial governments.North America: Heinemann ... Read more

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The African nation of the Sudan is best known to the world not for the wonderful things it has done, but for a horrible human tragedy created by man himself. This tragedy is a result of the long-running conflict pitting the subsequent governments in Khartoum against the marginalized citizens in the south, west, east, and the far north. Modern Sudan: Its History and the Genesis of the Current Crises traces this conflict to its very roots. ... Read more

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Many societies worldwide possess oral histories and long memories, reaching back many centuries, particularly of wars and events of great trauma. Labeling them "blood memories" in this book, Stephanie Beswick presents a pre-colonial history of Southern Sudan, a region that, according to some, "has no history." Beginning in the fourteenth century, the book follows the region's largest ethnic group today, the Dinka, from their original homelands in the central Sudanese Gezira between the Blue and White Niles, into their more recently adopted homelands in Southern Sudan. Beswick demonstrates how early pre-colonial stresses play a critical role in modern-day South Sudan, in what has since become the world's longest civil war, fought externally against the fundamentalist Islamic Northern Sudanese government as well as internally within the South itself. ... Read more

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I want it...
I had Prof Beswick for a Non-Western History class (Hist 198). She knows what she's talking about, in fact, it's hard to keep up at times. I wish it weren't so expensive so I could buy it. I'd love to read it. ... Read more

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This book completes a trilogy by the anthropologist Wendy James.It is a case study of how the Uduk-speaking people, originally from the Blue Nile region between the 'north' and the 'south' of Sudan, have been caught up in and displaced by a generation of civil war.Some have responded by defending their nation, others by joining the armed resistance of the Sudan People's Liberation Army, and yet others eventually finding security as international refugees in Ethiopia, and even further afield in countries such as the USA.Sudan's peace agreement of 2005 leaves much uncertainty for the future of the whole country, as conflict still rages in Darfur.The Uduk case shows how people who once lived together now try to maintain links across borders and even continents through modern communications, and where possible recreate their 'traditional' forms of story-telling, music, and song. ... Read more

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This book highlights the richness of photographic sources for the study of one European colonial entity in Africa, the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. Photographs from the extraordinary Sudan Archive of the University of Durham illustrate important aspects of the colonial experience and provide both important information in their own right and essential context for the study of the period. An introductory essay surveys the era, the documentary sources for its study, and the nature of the photographic record. The book will serve as both a model and an inspiration for the discovery, collection, conservation, and use of photographs as sources for the study of other outposts of the British Empire. ... Read more

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A former U.S. ambassador provides the most authoritative account of the twists and turns of Sudan's interactions with America, its devastating civil war, and its close connections to global terrorism.

Sudan, governed by an Islamist dictatorship, became a pariah nation among the global community not because of its religious orientation but because of its record of human-rights abuses and its fostering of notorious international terrorists. As the last American ambassador to complete an assignment in Sudan, Don Petterson provides unduplicated insights into how Sudan became what it is. Petterson recounts the consequences of the execution of four Sudanese employees of the U.S. government by Sudanese security forces in the southern city of Juba. He relates the experiences of Americans in Khartoum after Washington put Sudan on the black list of state sponsors of terrorism. He offers his personal observations on war-devastated southern Sudan. In this newly revised edition of Inside Sudan, Petterson recounts the events in Sudan from 1998 to the present, considers Sudan's connections to international terrorists, including Carlos the Jackal and Osama bin Laden, and assesses the changes in the relationship between Sudan and the United States after 9/11. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (12)

A Personal Account of Sudan's Dysfunctional Government
Donald Petterson was ambassador to Sudan in the years between 1992 and 1995.His account of his frustrations in negotiating for better relations with Omar al-Bashir and Hassan al-Turabi gives a personal witness to the problems of radical Islamism that afflict Sudan's Government.He also shows how southern leaders John Garang and Riek Machar stubbornly reject the north.In short - those who read this should be very thankful for the separation of church and state.Inserting religion into the state level didn't work for Christianity - American's Founding Father's figured that out - and it will not work for Islam either.Petterson, though writing in a diplomatic fashion throughout, candidly admits that fundamentalism (of any type) in government is a recipe for bad politics.Read this book, and it will help you appreciate that.It will also give you some vivid background for the conflict in Sudan.It is a very readable book, but it written before the Darfur conflict blew up, so in that sense is a bit dated.The insights it has into the Sudan are not, however.

A Good Book About the Sudan Conflict from a Diplomat's Point of View
Donald Petterson was a diplomat for the United States during most of the 1990's.He discusses from a diplomat's point of view the impasse that occured between the United States and the Khartoum governments.Petterson saw things get worse but could not stop the drift in differences.He explains that Sudanese people are quite friendly, but political, religious and regional problems run deep and occured during British rule also.A good book to get a perspective on Sudan.

A PERSONAL PERSPECTIVE ON SUDAN...
Donald Petterson, former U.S.Ambassador to Sudan, has written an unflinching account of modern Sudan. It is the thoroughly human story of a man and his family living and working in Khartoum in the 1990's, the hey-day of Islamic terrorism and fundamentalist belief. Petterson, a veteran Foreign Service Officer in Africa describes the day-to-day events in the abysmally hot and dusty,strife-ridden capital of Khartoum. An exciting place for any FSO, Khartoum was above all else a very dangerous city, as Petterson points out. Filled with Islamic radicals, the hatred for all things Western was very evident to this American. While the Author never treads strongly into the deep historical factors surrounding Sudan's cultural probems today, INSIDE SUDAN: POLITICAL ISLAM, CONFLICT, AND CATASTROPHE neveretheless is an excellent read for everyone wishing an up-front account of what it feels like to be in a land where one is always on the cusp of revolution. The book grips the reader personally and emotionally and makes the problems of Sudan all the more real. Readers may also wish to turn to my new book, JIHAD: THE MAHDI REBELLION IN THE SUDAN. I have encapsulated one brief period of Sudanese history - the Mahdi Rebellion of 1881-1885. I hope to show the effects of Western Imperialism upon both Sudanese nationalism and culture.

An average book with a misleading title
The title of this book, Inside Sudan: Political Islam, Conflict and Catastrophe, implies that the work will addressteh history of the conflict in the sudan as well as some discussion of the workings of Islam within the country's politics.However, this is not the case.The author, a former ambassodor to the Sudan, seems content to merely catalogue the meetings he had with Sudanese officials.Thus the book only addresses the time form 1992-95.Furthermore, the writing reads like a travel log and is rather uninteresting.The book claism to be an acoount of US-Sudanese relations, but even in this area it falls short.There is very little critical analysis and the work is littered with unimportant personal imformation.The book does give a look at life in a Us Embassy but this hardly makes up for its other shortcomings.

One good aspect of the work is Petterson's criticism of the media.For far too long has this atrocity been largely ignored by such agencies as CNN.Likewise, he also gives the reader some insight into the workings of Sudanese NGO's whose primary objective is not to relieve suffereing but rather to spread Islamic fundamentalism.Overall there are better books on the Sudan.

Mediocre
Precisely what we do not have is a real understanding of Sudan. We get a brief history; we get a sense that Petterson's diplomatic endeavours were futile; and we get information about the civil war which is available elsewhere. The fact is, Petterson did not have enough to write a book and should have spared us. If all the good elements were compressed, they would make a chapter in a real book. And the information on terrorism does not add anything new, if you are familiar with al-Qaeda. That was a ploy to encourage people post 11/September to buy it. I read it through, and was not rewarded by understanding Sudan. I will search elsewhere. ... Read more

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Darfur is a region set apart, huge, remote and poverty stricken. Its people are today locked in conflict, terrorised by the lawless Arab militia known as janjawid. As M.W. Daly explains, the roots of the crisis lie deep in Darfur's past. Tracing the story from the origins of the Fur state in the seventeenth century to Darfur's annexation by the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, he shows how years of neglect left the region unprepared for independence. This complex story is told with compassion, insight and a strong sense of place. ... Read more

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A Blood Soaked Genocide
In the last chapter Daly describes the killing in Darfur every bit as bloody and destructive as anything you may have read in daily paper or magazine. The author makes it clear the national government of the Sudan has every intention to murder and drive the Fur people out of Darfur and take over their land. To carry out this ethnic cleansing, the Sudan Government encourages the pastoral livestock herders to act as marauders (the janjawid). In their extermination campaign they are supported by the Sudanese national army and air force.To avoid international or UN sanctions this government has repeatedly procrastinated, lied, and broken duly signed agreements and promises.

That is in the last chapter. Most of the book provides the historic background, how Darfur became what it is. History begins sometime in the 15th or 16th century with various independent principalities. Throughout history, during the Mahdyya, during the Egyptian and British colonial period, and even after independence Darfur was treated a special region. Generally neglected, it rarely played a role in the wider nation. Yet, at independence in 1956 some 55 percent of people in Darfur used Arabic at home, and only 42 percent spoke Fur. Thus the "racial" divide between "Arabs" and others is bogus. Daly has written an excellent readable history of the region.

Finally some understanding
It isn't that books such as these are of no interest to me;it's often just a case of dealing with difficult names and places which are overwhelming in English to the general, unsophisticated reader. For years now, we've read aboutterrible atrocities taking place in a faraway land; an area both remote and virtually unknown to the Western reader. At last,M.W.Daly has produced a book that is both informative and intelligible. First of all, it is a work of the history of this forbidding region, not a "blow by blow" description of a 21st century inquisition scene. Secondly,if the reader is able to subordinate relatively unimportant names to the general whole, the book reads very lucidly,a welcome relief to the non-expert,I suspect. Finally,albeit ominously,this problem area is not about to go away.Readers on all levels would be well advised to read this important book and to keep apace with Daly's future research. ... Read more

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New Sudan is a concept for radically reforming Sudan s governance system by addressing the national identity crisis that has been responsible for the wars, the instability and the failure of the national building project that have afflicted the country since independence. The gist of the crisis is that the dominant Arab group, which is in fact an African Arab hybrid and a minority, perceives the country in its image as an Arab-Islamic nation. This inevitably discriminates against the non-Arab and non-Moslem populations in the South and even against the other groups in the peripheral regions of the North, who even though are predominantly Moslem, are however not Arabs. The South, one third of the country in territory and population, was the first to rebel against this discriminatory framework in August 1955, only a few months before independence on the January 1, 1956. That rebellion which escalated into a 17 year war was separatist, but was resolved in 1972 by a compromise that granted the South regional autonomy. The abrogation of that accord in 1983 led to the resumption of the second rebellion by the Sudan People s Liberation Movement and Army (SPLM/A) that called for the unity of the country in the framework of a New Sudan in which there would be full equality of citizenship, without any discrimination based on race, ethnicity, religion, culture or gender. Over time, this vision began to appeal to the non-Arab northern groups and other liberal minded northerners. The Nuba and the Ingassana (Funj) were the first to join the SPLM/A in the struggle in the mid 1980s. The Beja in the East joined later. And the Darfurians, after having their first attempt at rebellion crushed in 1992, again staged a rebellion in 2003, triggering the atrocious war that is still raging and which some international observers have determined to be genocide. The vision of the New Sudan was largely that of Dr. John Garang de Mabior, a man who was a scholar, a soldier, and a statesman. When he arrived in Khartoum to be sworn in as First Vice President of the Government of National Unity and President of the Government of Southern Sudan, in accordance with the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of January 9, 2005, he was met by a rallying crowd estimated in the millions, clear evidence that the New Sudan was in sight. Tragically, two weeks later, Garang died in a helicopter crash. To some, the vision of the New Sudan died with him. To others, his legacy, including the New Sudan Vision, has been ironically rejuvenated, particularly in the North. But will it be realized or will it remain a dream and an elusive goal? That is the very essence of the question mark in the title of this book. ... Read more

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Since gaining independence in 1956, Sudan has endured a troubled history, including the longest civil war in African history in Southern Sudan and more recent conflicts such as the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. This book explores this history of ensuing conflict, examining why Sudan failed to sustain a successful modern post-colonial state. The book goes on to consider in detail the various attempts to end Sudan’s conflicts and initiate political and economic reconstruction, including the failure which followed the Addis Ababa agreement of 1982 and the more recent efforts following the Nivasha agreement of 2005 which ended the civil war in the south. It critically examines how reconstruction has been envisioned and the role of the various major players in the process: including donors, NGOs, ex-combatants and the central state authority. It argues that reconstruction can only be successful if it takes into account the fundamental and irreversible transformations of society engendered by war and conflict, which in the case of Sudan includes the massive rural to urban population flows experienced during the years of warfare. It compares possible future scenarios for Sudan, and considers how the obstacles to successful post-conflict reconstruction might best be overcome. Overall, this book will not only be of interest to scholars of Sudan and regional specialists, but to all social scientists interested in the dynamics of post-conflict reconstruction and state-building.

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This book provides an overview of contemporary issues in Sudan, Africa's largest nation, examining the country's history and current scene to help readers develop a deeper understanding of how much Sudan matters in today's world. With deep connections to the Sahel and savanna to the west, the African world to the south, the Horn of Africa to the east, and the Middle East to the north, Sudan is important strategically, legally, geopolitically, and militarily-but too often overlooked, or underestimated. Sudan, the country of residence of Osama bin Laden for six years, has played, and will continue to play, a significant role in worldwide security matters. An analysis of the causes, resolutions, and implications of the ongoing Sudanese conflicts (including the genocide in Darfur), this book is essential reading for policymakers, researchers, and students alike.

This book considers Sudan's historical foundations, examining how the agendas of countries to the south, east, and north have influenced Sudan's people and government. The author also explains the origins and context of the Darfur conflict, laying out possible steps toward a resolution. Questions concerning Sudanese oil-where is it? how much is there? to whom does it belong?-help focus any discussion of Sudan's emerging importance in the contemporary world. Other issues-such as the influence of Islamism or the Sudanese activities of the Arab League, China, or the African Union-underline the uncertainties that confront the people of Sudan today.

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If you take a ride from North to South in Sudan, you will be amazed, if not perplexed about what you would see. The South is left like a no man's land where only birds and animals are easily noticed. You can hardly find evidence of people other than the burned thatched mud huts that used to be shelters for Southerners. The people have been driven away by the Sudanese government. The war has continued for almost 42 years now. The southerners are dying 'en masse' everyday. Reports about humanitarian tragedy in the South have been published, but no country in the international community cares bout the suffering of Southern Sudanese. The United Nations and the OAU (AU) have neglected the suffering of Southern Sudanese people. Southerners have gone and are going through an Islamic apartheid system orchestrated through the use of 'Islamic Jihad.' This book attempts to represent a voice for the voiceless in the hope that those who read it might know why there is a war in Sudan and convince their governments to do some thing about it. Southern Sudan is indeed a forgotten tragedy.This book examines the North-South relations in Sudan politics from a southern perspective. It addresses the fundamental and immediate causes of the civil war, the role of the military in Sudan politics, the Southern Sudanese Liberation Movements and confusionism that beginning with Anya Nya I to the present.The ethnicitization of power and politics and the illusionary peace deals are explicitly dealt with. The book also addresses the reasons why peace agreements in Sudan fail to materialize and what the international community can do to ensure that either side does not violate them.The book also addresses the role of the oil companies in financing the civil war in Sudan. The principles of state-secularism and self-determination and the feasibility have been discussed. More importantly, suggestions to the international community and the Sudanese people on how to resolve the civil war have been sugge ... Read more