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Paul Ylvisaker has been described as the heart and soulof organized philanthropy. He made a profound contribution to theAmerican people through his service in philanthropy and publicservice. Conscience and Community: The Legacy of Paul Ylvisakeris a collection of his essays, speeches, and articles on philanthropy,education, urban issues, and community, covering the early 1960s toshortly before his death in March 1992. They represent a chronology ofthe times documenting the War on Poverty, the environmental movement,education reform, and the role of America's philanthropic sector, toname just a few. But more important, they show the vision andtimelessness of Paul Ylvisaker's writings-a tribute to anextraordinary man. ... Read more

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thoughtful essays that are visionary and timeless
Listen, America, to Paul Ylvisaker's voice, to his heart, and to his thoughts. It is the voice that mentored your generation's mentors. It is the heart that held our most passionate and important dreams. And these arethe thoughts that influenced four decades of American social ideas,policies and philanthropy. ... Read more

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Following World War II, Puerto Ricans moved to New York in record numbers and joined a community of compatriots who had emigrated decades before or were born in diaspora. In a series of vivid images, Pioneros II: Puerto Ricans in New York City 1948-1998 brings to life their stories and struggles, culture and values, entrepreneurship, and civic, political, and educational gains. The Puerto Rican community's long history and achievements opened pathways for the city's newer Latino immigrant communities. ... Read more

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First published in 1983, this book remains the only full-length study documenting the historical development of the Puerto Rican community in the United States. Expanded to bring it up to the present, Virginia Sánchez Korrol's work traces the growth of the early Puerto Rican settlements--"colonias"--into the unique, vibrant, and well-defined community of today. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

very good
i received this in one week, and it's almost brand new, very good condition. the price is low. :D

very informative and positive history of a New York City community
I'd recommend this book to anyone who wants to dispel the negative stereotypes of Puerto Ricans created by such fictional works as West Side Story, etc. ... Read more

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Filled with black and white photos courtesy of the Nevada Historical Society ... Read more

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From the recent shootings at Virginia Tech University to the tragedies at Columbine and Oklahoma City, certain common traits can be traced. In Guys and Guns Amok, media and cultural critic Douglas Kellner provides a fascinating diagnostic reading of these acts of domestic terrorism. Skillfully connecting each case with male socialization and the search for identity in an American culture obsessed with guns and militarism, Kellner's work is a sobering reflection on these tragedies and the pervasive power of media and popular culture. It sends a wake-up call to avert the next school shooting on the horizon. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

Guys and Guns AMOK: Male identities construction
This book by Douglas Kellner is based on domestic terrorism and school shootings. Kellner in his book has identified the anti-social element in a masculine society through examples including the recent shootings at columbine high school and Virginia tech.

Guys and Guns Amok examines how the growth of today's youth is following the destructive strategy of male ego, power, excitement and enthusiasm. He determines the society's acceptance of violence and deeds of terrorism and the limit to which one can withstand such an unsafe society. Analysis of the nature of violent instances and freedom of expression by such a group of people criticizing the soc-political regulations to create such a volatile environment for the society.

This book is an eye opener for all to that group of masculine issues like race and gender that need to be recognized and guarded. He has given his perspective of how to control such criminals and what can be done to prevent the growth of such an anti-social environment. He has also raised the issue of political responsibility and regulations for gun ownership and gun laws. He has derived his viewpoint by addressing historical issues and those that continue in the present so as to educate the society to be aware of the disastrous future

Now I'm awake!
"Guys and Guns Amok" is shocking and disturbing to read.Laced through with political stabs at the government, Douglas Kellner uses this book as his own soap box against the Bush - Cheney administration.I thought this to be ironic, since in his introduction he speaks against the opportunistic behaviour of people with their own agendas.Yet, this book shouts out the views of Mr. Kellner - anti Bush, anti war, anti guns, anti media, and so on.However, the book is also a revelation as to the "spectacle of the media", the "perils of youth", the "construction of masculinity", using the violent back drop of the Virginia Tech Massacre.Kellner, offers his solutions to the problem that seems always side stepped and or masked behind something else. Which is easier and causes less political unrest, mental health versus gun control?Mental health for another year in office Bob, or make that George? I have made light of the issue, but Kellner passionately points out this is no laughing matter.
While it was hard to comprehend the first few pages, which is no way a reflection against Kellner, but perhaps my own ineptitude, it's vice like grip came quickly after the introduction as I pressed through. I became awake, not just literally, but conscious of the dim future and harsh reality of our youth.He quoted from Ngugi Wa Thion'o "If you want to maim the future of any society, you simply maim the children." A sobering thought.The construction of masculinity as "ultramacho" in our [North] American society was well written and certainly insightful.Real men don't cry. Real men fight. Real men are strong.These sentences have been my framework of masculinity, constructed long ago from media images.Kellner's book punctured holes into this discourse and also presented the danger of such thinking. As was written "...until the cycle of male socialization and violence is broken, we will all be in peril."
"Guys and Guns Amok" is a must read, and I recommend it to everyone to add to their library.
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This highly praised history reveals the Richmondcommunity as a series of dynamic, overlapping networks and shows howvarious groups--including merchant families, the city's largest blackchurch congregation, ironworkers, and militia volunteers--understoodthemselves and their society. ... Read more

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A study of prostitution in 19th-century Virginia City
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Examines, from four organizational perspectives, Virginia's Manassas Park City School's ten-year turnaround. ... Read more

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"But for Birmingham," Fred Shuttleworth recalled President John F. Kennedy saying in June 1963 when he invited black leaders to meet with him, "we would not be here today." Birmingham is well known for its civil rights history, particularly for the violent white-on-black bombings that occurred there in the 1960s, resulting in the city's nickname "Bombingham." What is less well known about Birmingham's racial history, however, is the extent to which early city planning decisions influenced and prompted the city's civil rights protests. The first book-length work to analyze this connection, "The Most Segregated City in America": City Planning and Civil Rights in Birmingham, 1920-1980 uncovers the impact of Birmingham's urban planning decisions on its black communities and reveals how these decisions led directly to the civil rights movement.

Spanning over sixty years, Charles E. Connerly's study begins in the 1920s, when Birmingham used urban planning as an excuse to implement racial zoning laws, pointedly sidestepping the 1917 U.S. Supreme Court Buchanan v. Warley decision that had struck down racial zoning. The result of this obstruction was the South's longest-standing racial zoning law, which lasted from 1926 to 1951, when it was redeclared unconstitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court. Despite the fact that African Americans constituted at least 38 percent of Birmingham's residents, they faced drastic limitations to their freedom to choose where to live. When in the1940s they rebelled by attempting to purchase homes in off-limit areas, their efforts were labeled as a challenge to city planning, resulting in government and court interventions that became violent. More than fifty bombings ensued between 1947 and 1966, becoming nationally publicized only in 1963, when four black girls were killed in the bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church.

Connerly effectively uses Birmingham's history as an example to argue the importance of recognizing the link that exists between city planning and civil rights. His demonstration of how Birmingham's race-based planning legacy led to the confrontations that culminated in the city's struggle for civil rights provides a fresh lens on the history and future of urban planning, and its relation to race. ... Read more

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When Thomas Jefferson moved his victorious Republican administration into the new capital city in 1801, one of his first acts was to abolish any formal receptions, except on New Year's Day and the Fourth of July. His successful campaign for the presidency had been partially founded on the idea that his Federalist enemies had assumed dangerously aristocratic trappings--a sword for George Washington and a raised dais for Martha when she received people at social occasions--in the first capital cities of New York and Philadelphia. When the ladies of Washington City, determined to have their own salon, arrived en masse at the president's house, Jefferson met them in riding clothes, expressing surprise at their presence. His deep suspicion of any occasion that resembled a European court caused a major problem, however: without the face-to-face relationships and networks of interest created in society, the American experiment in government could not function.

Into this conundrum, writes Catherine Allgor, stepped women like Dolley Madison and Louisa Catherine Adams, women of political families who used the unofficial, social sphere to cement the relationships that politics needed to work. Not only did they create a space in which politics was effectively conducted; their efforts legitimated the new republic and the new capital in the eyes of European nations, whose representatives scoffed at the city's few amenities and desolate setting. Covered by the prescriptions of their gender, Washington women engaged in the dirty business of politics, which allowed their husbands to retain their republican purity.

Constrained by the cultural taboos on "petticoat politicking," women rarely wrote forthrightly about their ambitions and plans, preferring to cast their political work as an extension of virtuous family roles. But by analyzing their correspondence, gossip events, "etiquette wars," and the material culture that surrounded them, Allgor finds that these women acted with conscious political intent. In the days before organized political parties, the social machine built by these early federal women helped to ease the transition from a failed republican experiment to a burgeoning democracy.

Customer Reviews (2)

well done and worth a read
I was lucky enough to be student of Dr. Allgor's for three years and the book was everything I would expect from her.She is at times funny and serious, and capable of explaining history in academic terms that aren't so esoteric as to be incomprehensible to the non-historian while giving a fresh spin on a well documented time period.

In Parlor Politics, Allgor documents the vital role that women played in the creation of a society during (arguably) the most fragile period in our history.One wrong move and the whole deomcracy concept could've gone out the window.Women were able to step in and do things that men couldn't, and under the guise of furthering their family became real movers and shakers in the early washington scene.Allgor documents the time of Jefferson through the Jackson presidency and does so with a style that is often missing in academic texts.It is easy to see why this book is quickly becoming an influential work in the history of Washington and the construction of america.

If you enjoy this book, you may want to also read "good wives" by laurel thatcher ulrich...more dry, but also interesting.

A fascinating view of Washington political and social life
In the early 19th century, Washington City was a new political frontier by the time Thomas Jefferson was elected to the President's House. The new political and social elites were both taken aback by Washington's crude facilities and (at first) socially barren lifestyle yet were somewhat anxious to create a new political and social capital. The male politicians who came to Washington City were accompanied by their wives, sisters, and other female relatives and counterparts who saw enormous opportunity for not only social gain but political influence as well.Catherine Allgor's book, "Parlor Politics: In Which the Ladies of Washington Build a City and Government", convincingly portrays women as important movers and shakers in both Jeffersonian and Jacksonian society. The increasing influence that women were making in social life was beginning to play an important role in politics as well. The republican ideals of womanhood brought increasing responsibility to mothers and wives to train younger generations in civic duties. Women then used this domestic role to effectively make their presence known in the male-dominated milieu of politics.Allgor uses the examples of Dolley Payne Todd Madison, Elizabeth Cortwright Monroe, and Catherine Adams (all First Ladies) to brilliantly point out that women could make or break a person's reputation in Washington. Women were ardent lobbyists; busily preparing and grooming their husbands' careers and making sure that they were introduced to the proper people in Washington. The practice of "calling", for example, on the city's social elite illustrates a complicated network of contacts which was a way of life in the social circles of the nation's capital. While it is easy for upper-class women to busy themselves with politics and social matters (they did have servants to perform most domestic chores) they nevertheless were provided more opportunities for political advancement.Allgor's analyses of the various levees and "drawing rooms" that were held in Washington City illustrate complex social situations in which women played a vital part. Dolley Madison, for example, realized how even the most intricate of details like the color of curtains, for example, could determine if a levee would be successful or not.Allgor's monograph is short yet detailed look at social life in early Washington. So much can be gleaned from this book that can be pertained to modern times (the Jackson scandals, for example). Overall, an interesting behind-the-scenes look at Washington political and social life. ... Read more

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Exploring the history of Civil War commemorations from both sides of the color line, William Blair places the development of memorial holidays, Emancipation Day celebrations, and other remembrances in the context of Reconstruction politics and race relations in the South. His grassroots examination of these civic rituals demonstrates that the politics of commemoration remained far more contentious than has been previously acknowledged.

Commemorations by ex-Confederates were intended at first to maintain a separate identity from the U.S. government, Blair argues, not as a vehicle for promoting sectional healing. The burial grounds of fallen heroes, known as Cities of the Dead, often became contested ground, especially for Confederate women who were opposed to Reconstruction. And until the turn of the century, African Americans used freedom celebrations to lobby for greater political power and tried to create a national holiday to recognize emancipation.

Blair's analysis shows that some festive occasions that we celebrate even today have a divisive and sometimes violent past as various groups with conflicting political agendas attempted to define the meaning of the Civil War. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (3)

LIES, LIES, DECEPTION, DELUSIONS followed by more LIES!!!
I read this book seeking more insight on this most famous of espionage cases. What I obtained, instead, was the most deceitful pack of dishonest manure that I have ever read. And the lies were not even creative ones. Moscow doesn't even pretend that they were not guilty!!! How this book could have been written after the opening of the sealed FBI records, the release of the Venona transcripts, and their subsequent corroboration by the Soviet archives (which unanimously refute every one of Charmichael's inane points) is beyond comprehension. Or maybe the latest leftist strategy is designed to convince us that Stalin really was successful in purging anyone with a semblance of intelligence.

A long list of nonsense
The author had the subject for a very good book here.How was the Rosenberg case presented, by whom, for what purposes?But she couldn't bring herself to write that book.She'd have had to write about the use of the Rosenberg Case to justify Stalinism.

Instead, she wrote a book abouthow evil the U.S. was, to resist Stalin, and how, as a part of that evileffort, two innocent leftists named Rosenberg were framed for espionage andexecuted.Not that she actually believes that.It's just that the truth(they were guilty) is too painful.

Ms. Carmichael's book is fairlylaughable.She tells us that "of course" the Soviet Union wasspying on the U.S and Britain throughout World War II, both in general andin regard to the A-bomb project.I guess were not supposed to think aboutthe Soviet Union's vociferous denials.Then she refers you, for furtherinformation, to a volume(THE ATOM SPY HOAX)that explicitly denies any suchespionage ever occured -- a book she terms "well researched." Then she'll remind us that in matters of espionage, you can never come toany firm conclusions, just before tossing off yet another firm conclusionof her own.

If you know enough about the Rosenberg case to tell whenshe's wrong, or making things up, you don't need this book.If you don'tknow enough, you especially don't need this book.

Students of the caseshould go read THE FBI-KGB WAR or THE ROSENBERG FILE if they're interestedin what really happened.And a serious author should write about the waythe Rosenberg case was used, and by whom, and for what purposes ... but todo that, he or she will have to start by pointing out that the Rosenbergswere guilty, and that there was never a reasonable doubt aboutit.

Stephen M. St. Onge

Beating a dead horse?Or just an elaborate joke?
The author had the subject for a very good book here.How was the Rosenberg case presented, by whom, for what purposes?But she couldn't bring herself to write that book.She'd have had to write about the use of the Rosenberg Case to justify Stalinism.

Instead, she wrote a book abouthow evil the U.S. was, to resist Stalin, and how, as a part of that evileffort, two innocent leftists named Rosenberg were framed for espionage andexecuted.Not that she actually believes that.It's just that the truth(they were guilty) is too painful.

Ms. Carmichael's book is fairlylaughable.She tells us that "of course" the Soviet Union wasspying on the U.S and Britain throughout World War II, both in general andin regard to the A-bomb project.I guess were not supposed to think aboutthe Soviet Union's vociferous denials.Then she refers you, for furtherinformation, to a volume(THE ATOM SPY HOAX)that explicitly denies any suchespionage ever occured -- a book she terms "well researched." Then she'll remind us that in matters of espionage, you can never come toany firm conclusions, just before tossing off yet another firm conclusionof her own.

If you know enough about the Rosenberg case to tell whenshe's wrong, or making things up, you don't need this book.If you don'tknow enough, you especially don't need this book.

Students of the caseshould go read THE FBI-KGB WAR or THE ROSENBERG FILE if they're interestedin what really happened.And a serious author should write about the waythe Rosenberg case was used, and by whom, and for what purposes ... but todo that, he or she will have to start by pointing out that the Rosenbergswere guilty, and that there was never a reasonable doubt aboutit.

Stephen M. St. Onge ... Read more